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Postal que reproduce una pintura de la primera mitad del siglo XVII de Van Dyck. Representa a un hombre distinguido, posiblemente Wallensteins (1583-1634), que fue un político bohemio y caudillo militar, mercenario al servicio del emperador Fernando II que luchó contra los rebeldes protestantes y sus aliados suecos y daneses. Llegó a poseer un ejército de 30.000 a 100.000 hombres bajo su mando durante la guerra de los Treinta Años, y fue nombrado duque de Friedland y caballero del Toisón de Oro (1625), duque de Zagan (1627), así como duque de Mecklemburgo (1628-1631) y Conde Palatino. ; En la postal aparece el siguiente texto: Fürstlich Liechtenstein`sche Gemälde-Galerie, Wien.

Gegenwärtig ist in vielen Industrieländern eine Zunahme riskanter Sexualpraktiken von Männern in Gelegenheitsbeziehungen mit anderen Männern erkennbar. Für die hier berichtete Studie wurden 20 Männer zwischen 18 und 40 Jahren interviewt, die innerhalb von drei Monaten mindestens einmal ungeschützten Analverkehr mit anderen Männern hatten. Ein wesentliches Ergebnis ist, dass viele Befragte, die über Analverkehr in Gelegenheitsbeziehungen berichteten, an Erfahrungen interessiert waren, die nicht unmittelbar die sexuelle Ebene tangierten. Wesentlich war vielmehr der Wunsch nach Bestätigung des eigenen Wertes und der eigenen physischen Attraktivität, der Wunsch, eigenen Defiziten oder erlebter Einsamkeit zu entkommen, die Suche nach Verbundenheit und Intimität, Verliebtheit oder die Tendenz, das Risiko als Vergnügen am Verbotenen umzudefinieren und gegen etablierte Strukturen zu rebellieren. – In all diesen Fällen wurde die Sorge um die eigene Gesundheit und Unversehrtheit während des ungeschützten Analverkehrs ausgeblendet. Deshalb ist es unbedingt erforderlich, dass HIV- und Aids-Präventionsprogramme auch diese Motivlagen künftig mehr beachten.

No es la primera vez que Michael Mann, un ilustre profesor de sociología de la Universidad de California, se supera a sí mismo. Sus libros son tratados académicos, recursos sociológicos de frontera, tesis doctorales y pólvora para impulsar balas de cañón. El lado oscuro de la democracia, es una apuesta arriesgada que se soporta en un trágico registro que no ocurre de forma azarosa. Tiene una lógica propia y sistemática que se alimenta de las condiciones inherentes de la democracia para demolerla o para negarla.

No es la primera vez que Michael Mann, un ilustre profesor de sociología de la Universidad de California, se supera a sí mismo. Sus libros son tratados académicos, recursos sociológicos de frontera, tesis doctorales y pólvora para impulsar balas de cañón. El lado oscuro de la democracia, es una apuesta arriesgada que se soporta en un trágico registro que no ocurre de forma azarosa. Tiene una lógica propia y sistemática que se alimenta de las condiciones inherentes de la democracia para demolerla o para negarla.

The paper analyzes Thomas Mann's literary work from the perspective of critical theory. By briefly discussing an alternative conception of critical theory, it emphasizes the importance of Karl Marx, Aristotle, and normativity to social and political theory. The paper argues that we need to conceptualize normativity in Aristotelian rather than Kantian terms, that is, by reinterpreting the tradition of the Greek notion of aretē (excellence). Hence the importance of Aristotle's ethical reflections on the flourishing of human life and of the political community. Marx is important because he provided a historically informed analysis and critique of the socioeconomic structures of modern society. Marx also gave birth to a new paradigm for social sciences and humanities, a paradigm alternative to positivism and phenomenology. Its main premise is that social and political theory must articulate the normative notion of social emancipation and criticize society and its social structures by drawing on this notion of emancipation. Thomas Mann is interesting and important from the point of view of critical theory; among other things, he provides a literary critique of the European bourgeois society and its way of life. As an illustration, Thomas Mann's dialectic of eroticism and death in the life of the bourgeois iron cage is also analyzed (the dialectic that we find in Buddenbrooks, Death in Venice, and The Magic Mountain).

The paper analyzes Thomas Mann's literary work from the perspective of critical theory. By briefly discussing an alternative conception of critical theory, it emphasizes the importance of Karl Marx, Aristotle, and normativity to social and political theory. The paper argues that we need to conceptualize normativity in Aristotelian rather than Kantian terms, that is, by reinterpreting the tradition of the Greek notion of aretē (excellence). Hence the importance of Aristotle's ethical reflections on the flourishing of human life and of the political community. Marx is important because he provided a historically informed analysis and critique of the socioeconomic structures of modern society. Marx also gave birth to a new paradigm for social sciences and humanities, a paradigm alternative to positivism and phenomenology. Its main premise is that social and political theory must articulate the normative notion of social emancipation and criticize society and its social structures by drawing on this notion of emancipation. Thomas Mann is interesting and important from the point of view of critical theory; among other things, he provides a literary critique of the European bourgeois society and its way of life. As an illustration, Thomas Mann's dialectic of eroticism and death in the life of the bourgeois iron cage is also analyzed (the dialectic that we find in Buddenbrooks, Death in Venice, and The Magic Mountain).

Este artículo fue publicado inicialmente en inglés en la revista Archives Europénnes de Sociologie en 1984, y posteriormente en la compilación de trabajos de Michael Mann States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. Retomamos aquí la traducción al castellano de Pablo Sánchez León, publicada en 1991 en la revista Zona Abierta. Mann defiende en este artículo que "el Estado es mera y esencialmente una arena, un espacio y que no obstante ésta es la fuente misma de su autonomía ; This article was published for the first time in English in 1984 in the magazine Archives Europénnes de Sociologie, and afterwards in the compilation of Michael Mann's works States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. We take up Pablo Sánchez León's translation, published in 1991 in the magazine Zona Abierta. Mann argues that: "the state is merely and essentially an arena, a space, and that however these is the precise source of its autonomy

This article was published for the first time in English in 1984 in the magazine Archives Europénnes de Sociologie, and afterwards in the compilation of Michael Mann's works States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. We take up Pablo Sánchez León's translation, published in 1991 in the magazine Zona Abierta. Mann argues that: "the state is merely and essentially an arena, a space, and that however these is the precise source of its autonomy." ; Este artículo fue publicado inicialmente en inglés en la revista Archives Europénnes de Sociologie en 1984, y posteriormente en la compilación de trabajos de Michael Mann States, war and capitalism: studies in political sociology. Retomamos aquí la traducción al castellano de Pablo Sánchez León, publicada en 1991 en la revista Zona Abierta. Mann defiende en este artículo que "el Estado es mera y esencialmente una arena, un espacio y que no obstante ésta es la fuente misma de su autonomía.

This essay is an attempt of interpretation of the figure of Moses as elaborated in Thomas Mann's short story "The Law", and Arnold Schönberg's opera "Moses und Aron". In the case Schönberg's, the dramatical recuperation of the jewish legislator –and his brother– results in an attempt of responding to the crisis of the Republic of Weimar from his "exile" in Berlin (1924-1933). Thomas Mann, for his part, came back to the fictional figure of Moses once living in his californian exile (1943), and used this mythos as a means of responding to Hitler's dictatorship. The text arises why in historical situations of a very serious gravity, such a great artists like Mann or Schönberg decide to revert to narrate the mosaic mythos. We are specially concerned by a problem of major ethical and political implications: What are the forces needed to achieve a common ethos? And what are the violences avoided by this search for a moral link protagonized by an oppressed people? ; Este texto pretende acercarse a la figura de Moisés tal como se elabora en el relato "La ley" de Thomas Mann (1943), y la ópera "Moisés y Aarón" de Arnold Schönberg (1932). En el caso de Schönberg, la recuperación del legislador judío resulta en un esfuerzo por responder a la crisis de la república de Weimar desde su exilio berlinés. Thomas Mann, por su parte, vuelve tras el mito de Moisés desde su exilio estadounidense, como respuesta a la dictadura nacionalsocialista. El ensayo se plantea por qué en situaciones históricas de una gravedad tan crítica el arte decide volver a narrar el mito mosaico. Especialmente nos interesa estudiar la actualidad que le conceden tanto Mann como Schönberg al problema y el método de la imposición del monoteísmo a través de la fuerza moralizadora de la Ley, en competición con el pluralismo de dioses, imágenes y normas del pueblo. Intentaremos mostrar cómo ambos artistas intentan responder a un problema de gran calado ético en la época: cuáles son las violencias necesarias para y cuáles las violencias evitadas por la búsqueda política de un ethos común para un pueblo oprimido.

The debate is the way of working of Parliament and ultimately what gives it its most prominent feature in relation to the other branches of government. There is a clear interdependence between the representative and deliberative character of Parliament. Further it plays an irreplaceable role in democracy, so it must be carefully managed: the public opinion can know the attitude of each party on each law and political problem. At the same time it allows to evaluate the capacity and preparedness of the representatives. It is a school of democracy and tolerance so far it accustoms the public to hear other opinions respectfully. The debate should be broad and free, but also minimally ordered. To this end, various rules govern the manner of speaking: the request of the floor, not interruption, prohibition of reading speeches and others. The Speaker of the House plays an outstanding role to achieve equal participation and to avoid improper use of the floor. In Spain the debate is very restrictive because it is focused on the spokespersons of the political groups, with little opportunity to speak to other lawmakers. It allows reading speeches thus it loses spontaneity and as a result decrease the interest of citizens. ; El debate es la forma de trabajar del Parlamento y lo que a la postre le confiere su rasgo más destacado frente a los otros poderes del Estado. Existe una clara interdependencia entre el carácter representativo y el carácter deliberante del Parlamento. Cumple un papel fundamental e insustituible en la democracia, por lo que debe ser cuidado en extremo: la opinión pública puede conocer la actitud de cada partido sobre cada ley y cada problema político. Al mismo tiempo le permite valorar la capacidad y preparación de sus representantes. Constituye una escuela de democracia y tolerancia, al acostumbrar a los ciudadanos a oír con respeto las opiniones ajenas. El debate debe ser amplio y libre, pero también mínimamente ordenado. A tal fin se dirigen las diversas reglas sobre el uso de la palabra: solicitud de la misma, no interrupción, prohibición de lectura de discursos y otras. El presidente de la Cámara desempeña una función muy destacada para conseguir una participación igualitaria y para evitar excesos en uso de la palabra. En España el debate es muy restrictivo por cuanto se centra en los portavoces de los grupos, sin apenas ocasión de intervenir para otros parlamentarios. Se permite la lectura de discursos con lo cual se pierde espontaneidad y de resultas merma el interés de los ciudadanos.The debate is the way of working of Parliament and ultimately what gives it its most prominent feature in relation to the other branches of government. There is a clear interdependence between the representative and deliberative character of Parliament. Further it plays an irreplaceable role in democracy, so it must be carefully managed: the public opinion can know the attitude of each party on each law and political problem. At the same time it allows to evaluate the capacity and preparedness of the representatives. It is a school of democracy and tolerance so far it accustoms the public to hear other opinions respectfully. The debate should be broad and free, but also minimally ordered. To this end, various rules govern the manner of speaking: the request of the floor, not interruption, prohibition of reading speeches and others. The Speaker of the House plays an outstanding role to achieve equal participation and to avoid improper use of the floor. In Spain the debate is very restrictive because it is focused on the spokespersons of the political groups, with little opportunity to speak to other lawmakers. It allows reading speeches thus it loses spontaneity and as a result decrease the interest of citizens.

This writing, a research result, aims to unveil the idea of city-panic, to outline the violence in Medellin. However, despite this being the backdrop, these lines will focus on various forms of youth mobilization that emerge in different marginal neighborhoods of the city as ways to deal with a reality of exclusion and violence.

In the context of the pandemic, States have enacted multiple measures that restrict rights and liberties. The right to protest has not been the exception, with States alluding to the dangers the virus poses to health in order to impose heavy restrictions on public gatherings. This article examines a number of judicial decisions from different jurisdictions, to show how courts call on governments to respect affected rights when reviewing the constitutionality of such measures. Even in times of pandemic, the article shows courts find that the proportionality of regulations may be judicially assessed. Although this line of reasoning may appear obvious -it is a standard globally resorted to review rights limitations-, it needs to be highlighted in times when fear, as history and our own recent jurisprudence show us, may lead to uncritically accept these restrictions. ; En el contexto de la pandemia se han decretado varias medidas restrictivas de las libertades. El derecho a la protesta no ha sido la excepción. En términos generales, los Estados han echado mano al peligro que la transmisión del virus acarrea para la salud, para imponer fuertes restricciones a las reuniones públicas. Este trabajo revisa algunas sentencias del derecho comparado, a efectos de anotar que los tribunales, al evaluar la constitucionalidad de esas medidas, llaman la atención sobre el respeto a los derechos involucrados. La proporcionalidad de las medidas -han sostenido esos tribunales- debe evaluarse incluso en contextos de pandemia. Esto que parece obvio -a final de cuentas, la proporcionalidad suele utilizarse para evaluar medidas que regulan derechos y libertades-, debe destacarse en momentos en que el miedo, como enseña la historia y quizá nuestra propia jurisprudencia reciente, nos lleva a recepcionar estas medidas de forma acrítica.

Employer's obligation to pay wage arises naturally from employment relationship. Receiving wage is the most important social guarantees for employee, which ensures a secure standard of living. Although today wage is not the only reward, which employee receives in exchange for the work completed, but it still remains one of the most important. The primary piece of legislation regulating the payment of wage in Lithuania is the Labour Code. According to Article 186 of the Labour Code, the wage is compensation for work performed by employee under employment contract, which is payable in cash. The obligation of wage payment is resulted by the nature of employment contract. The amount that shall be paid and payment terms are defined by mutual agreement, and certain minimum standards are laid by legislation. Wage is a periodical payment and when this payment which belongs to employee is not paid on time, whether in whole or in part, it shall be treated as a violation of employee's rights. For failure to implement employer's obligation to pay wage in timely manner, there are sanctions for the employer established in the Labour Code, namely, the average salary for the time delay (Article 141 of the Labour Code) and interest (Article 207 of the Labour Code). In this thesis based on selected aspects of the aforementioned sanctions for failure to pay wage in timely manner will be analysed. Furthermore, application of these sanctions in the Lithuanian Supreme Court case law, problems arising from application and solutions for these problems will be discussed. The thesis consists of three parts: a) legislation concerning payment of wage (in this part the importance of wage payment and legislation at the international, regional and national level is overviewed); 2) sanctions for failure to pay wage in timely manner (in this part legislation concerning sanctions and main problems arising from it is analysed); 3) problems arising from application of legislation concerning sanctions (in this part main problems found in case law and examples of problem-solving techniques are discussed).

Employer's obligation to pay wage arises naturally from employment relationship. Receiving wage is the most important social guarantees for employee, which ensures a secure standard of living. Although today wage is not the only reward, which employee receives in exchange for the work completed, but it still remains one of the most important. The primary piece of legislation regulating the payment of wage in Lithuania is the Labour Code. According to Article 186 of the Labour Code, the wage is compensation for work performed by employee under employment contract, which is payable in cash. The obligation of wage payment is resulted by the nature of employment contract. The amount that shall be paid and payment terms are defined by mutual agreement, and certain minimum standards are laid by legislation. Wage is a periodical payment and when this payment which belongs to employee is not paid on time, whether in whole or in part, it shall be treated as a violation of employee's rights. For failure to implement employer's obligation to pay wage in timely manner, there are sanctions for the employer established in the Labour Code, namely, the average salary for the time delay (Article 141 of the Labour Code) and interest (Article 207 of the Labour Code). In this thesis based on selected aspects of the aforementioned sanctions for failure to pay wage in timely manner will be analysed. Furthermore, application of these sanctions in the Lithuanian Supreme Court case law, problems arising from application and solutions for these problems will be discussed. The thesis consists of three parts: a) legislation concerning payment of wage (in this part the importance of wage payment and legislation at the international, regional and national level is overviewed); 2) sanctions for failure to pay wage in timely manner (in this part legislation concerning sanctions and main problems arising from it is analysed); 3) problems arising from application of legislation concerning sanctions (in this part main problems found in case law and examples of problem-solving techniques are discussed).