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Актуальность темы исследования в настоящее время определяется тем фактом, что электронное пространство, по большей части, является повторением реальной политики, что свидетельствует о том, что интернет-технологии глубоко укоренились в политической жизни общества. Целью данной работы было выяснение особенностей информационных технологий (ИТ) и их места в современном политическом процессе на примере Казахстана. Доказано, что Интернет является жизненно важной частью любого общества, особенно демократического, где он выполняет функции социальных, экономических и политических институтов. В этой статье приводится обоснование важности информационных технологий в политической жизни общества. Особое внимание уделяется усилению их влияния при принятии важных политических решений. В данном исследовании также приведены примеры использования информационных технологий в современных политических процессах. Детальный анализ теоретических концепций, их интерпретация применительно к Казахстану, детальное изучение моделей медиаполитики открывает возможности и перспективы для новых научных исследований процессов трансформации и модернизации информационных технологий в политическом процессе.

If the beginning of the 21st century, with its rapid changes, somewhat led into deep confusion of the world in general and the country in particular, then the arisen is unknown from where Covid 19 and the so-called digitalization are already testing the strength of the human community once again and even more with tough manifestations. Target attitudes, formed over decades, are shifted in the criteria. Living preferences, built priorities, prevailing moral but ethical standards. Of course, the forms of social consciousness, among which economic science, if you use a generalizing term is crucial. And the history of countries with their various characteristics confirms this, as well as the fact that science itself is not represented is a set of dogmas or once and for all frozen truths. Economic science, reflecting, to one degree or another, the cyclically developing economic world, also changes its object, subject, methodological approaches, tools analysis.

The article is devoted to analysis of new Marxism as a key methodological
trends of political science research. Historical events of the last century and the
ensuing updated the creative legacy of Marx and contributed to its reconsideration,
which was the enrichment of political science, development of methodology in its area
schools and trends, developing ideas known German scientist.

The article attempts to provide a definition for the problem area of the philosophy of politics, political philosophy and political science. Given the lack of a well-established distinction between the subjects of these sciences in the Russian-language discourse, the author turns to the English-language tradition. The analysis of this discourse shows the following: 1) the absence of a distinction between political philosophy and the philosophy of politics, which is replaced by political ontology as part of political philosophy; 2) the existence of a distinction between political theory and political philosophy; 3) the dependence of the paradigm of the relationship between political theory and political philosophy on the consensus developed in the national intellectual tradition. In the English-language discourse, the question of the relationship between political science and political philosophy comes to the fore. The latter is considered as a subordinate, integral part of political science. It is shown that, based on the criterion of "insufficient scientificity", attempts to exclude political philosophy from the political science do not stop. The article substantiates the position according to which, despite their apparent similarity, the subjects of political science and political philosophy do not coincide – the disciplinary ontology of political science can become the subject of political philosophy. When discussing the relationship between the philosophy of politics and political philosophy, the article presents several hypotheses. First, a distinction is made between the philosophy of politics and political philosophy and the author argues that they are distinct. Secondly, the position, according to which the philosophy of politics belongs to the field of philosophy, and political philosophy to political science, is critically examined, and the fact that the two disciplines belong to the philosophical corpus of knowledge is substantiated. Thirdly, it is proposed to demarcate between the philosophy of politics and political philosophy in accordance with the difference between their subjects. The subject of philosophy of politics is the phenomenon of the political, while the subject of political philosophy is political phenomena.