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The new interpretive turn in gender studies is disseminated and discussed particularly in North American scholarly journals, and is situated at the intersection between the historiographies of family, women and gender (including men's studies) and world history. This has displaced in the direction of 'world' or 'global history' a practice of writing European history which has traditionally privileged circumscribed, 'particular' areas of enquiry, located within the boundaries of communities, regions and nations. To avoid becoming passive latecomers in a new master narrative, where imbalances of power and unequal distribution of academic, linguistic and financial resources tend to marginalize large areas of the world, the tradition of women's history/gender historiography should seek to develop transcultural cooperation with critical historiographies in non-Western areas, with the aim of constructing an ecumenical narrative of world history.

Introduction: All references about France, be they about French language, French culture, French arrogance or French cuisine seem to indicate that this country is homogeneous, mono-lingua and mono-cultural. If we consider some of its regions we can note a huge linguistic and cultural diversity: Corsica is Italo-Roman, Brittany is Celtic, Flemish is spoken in the North of France, Alsace is Germanic, the language in the Basque region is pre Indo-European while Catalan and Occitan both form part of the "occitano-roman group, half way between Gallo-Roman and Ibero-Roman." According to the new Atlas of Endangered World Naguages published by UNESCO, all these languages, with the exception of Corsican, are part of the 3000 languages in danger of extinction.

The arrival of Portuguese and Dutch to Southeast Asia in the fifteenth century as part of a new world quest also became the beginning of the Christian mission in the Indonesian archipelago. The Christian mission carried out by missionaries who came with the Portuguese and Dutch ships faced resistance from the rulers who had embraced Islam a century earlier. Christianity gradually identified with colonialism, and it forms a new image of Christianity as a colonial religion. Moreover, the colonial government continued to support Christian activities, while ignoring aid to Islamic activities. The Dutch government has led to conflicts between these two religions. This contestation that lasted for hundreds of years made an impact on the relationship between these two religions after Indonesia gained its independence. Accompanied by various decisions of the new order government in the social and political sphere, the potential of conflict among adherents of both religions is increasingly ignited. In the end, the government began to take various approaches to mitigate the conflict that has long been abandoned. Various accusations are raised, which pursue the conclusion that the primary source of inter-religious conflict is the lack of mutual respect in spreading their respective religions. By some Muslim groups, Christian mission is considered as the axis of conflict; whereas by some Christian groups, political jealousy of Muslim groups is considered to harm the principles of freedom and tolerance in Indonesia. In this study, the author presents data based on the historical development of Christian mission in Indonesia and how Christian missionary related to the interreligious conflicts which continue to be unresolved problems, even until the post-reform era. The authors found that the conflicts between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia occurred not only because of the mission itself. But, there are other factors such as politics, economics, and internal-external policies. ; Endonezya takımadalarındaki Hristiyan misyonu faaliyetleri çoğrafya keşifler ile birlikte, on beşinci yüzyılda Portekiz ve Hollanda'nın Güneydoğu Asya'ya gelmesi ile başlamıştır. Portekiz ve Hollanda gemilerle gelen misyonerler tarafından gerçekleştirilen Hristiyan misyonu, İslam'ı yüzyıl önce benimsemiş krallarla karşı karşıya kalmıştır. Bu sebeple zamanla Hristiyanlık, sömürgecilik ile özdeşleşmiş ve sömürge dini olarak imaj kazanmıştır. Dahası, Hollanda sömürge hükümeti, İslami faaliyetlere yardım etmeyi göz ardı ederken, Hristiyan faaliyetlerinin surdurmesıne destek vermeyi devam etmiştir. Hollanda hükümeti, bu iki dinin catışmasına sebeb olmuştur. Yüzyıllarca süren bu itiraz ve ayrımcılık, Endonezya bağımsızlığını kazandıktan sonra da devam edegelmiştir. Dolayısıyla hükümetin toplumsal ve siyasal alanda aldığı çeşitli kararlar, her iki din arasındaki çatışmanın potansiyelini artırmaktadır. Fakat son dönemde, uzun suredir ıhmal edılmiş çatışma problemi hafifletmek için Endonezya hükümeti çeşitli faaliyetler başlatmıştır. Ayrıca Dinler arası çatışmanın temel sebebi kendi dinlerini yaymada karşılıklı saygı eksikliği olmasıdır. Bazı Müslüman gruplar tarafından, çatışmanın ekseni Hristiyan misyonerliğin oldugunu düşünülürken; bazı Hristiyan gruplar tarafından ise Müslüman gruplarının politik kıskançlığından dolayı Endonezya'da özgürlük ve hoşgörü ilkelerine zarar verdiklerini düşünülmektedir. Bu çalışmada, Endonezya'daki Hristiyan misyonerliğinin tarihsel gelişimine dayanan veriler sunulup; Hristiyan misyonerliğin reform sonrasına kadar çözülmeyen sorunlar ve devam eden dinlerarası çatışmalarla ilgili konuları değinilecektir. Endonezya'daki Müslümanlar ve Hıristiyanlar arasındaki çatışmaların sebebi sadece misyonun kendisi değil, siyaset, ekonomi ve iç-dış politikalar gibi başka faktörlerin dahil olduğunu açıklanacaktır.

Abstract
The Europeanised, progressive intelligentsia in East-Central Europe (ECE) made a fundamental mistake in the nineties that amounts in some ways to the 'treason of intellectuals' and the basic reassessment of these naïve illusions has only begun nowadays. Motivated by the radical change in the 'miraculous year' (1989) the progressive intellectuals uncritically accepted and supported the Europeanisation in that particular form as it entered into the chaotic days of the early nineties, since they naively thought that its negative features would automatically disappear. In good faith, they created an apology for the established neoliberal hybrid and they sincerely defended this perverse Europeanisation against the increasing attacks of the traditionalistnativist narrative. With this action they have been unwillingly drifting close to the other side by offering some ideological protection for the 'really existing' neoliberal hybrid instead of criticising this deviation from genuine democratisation in order to facilitate its historical correction. However, due to the emergence of the neoliberal hybrid, the 'external' integration by the EU has resulted in the 'internal' disintegration inside the ECE member states. There has been a deep polarisation in the domestic societies and after thirty years the majority of populations in the ECE countries feel like losers, and they have indeed become losers. This controversial situation needs an urgent reconsideration, which is underway both in the EU and in the ECE as a self-criticism of the progressive intelligentsia. Thus, this paper concentrates on the reconsideration of the main conceptual issues of Europeanisation and Democratisation in ECE.1