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Explores how social movements can bring about changes in demographic patterns unrelated to their stated goals. Focus is on biographical consequences that seem to result from sustained individual activism & aggregate-level changes in life-course patterns, drawing on mail questionnaire data from 1,187 US residents, born 1943-1964, to address baby boomer demographic changes. Results of simple bivariate comparison, logistic regression, & hazard-rate analysis suggest that many baby boomer demographic changes, eg, the dramatic rise in nonmarital cohabitation & avoidance of childbearing, were prompted by 1960s political/cultural movements. 8 Tables. J. Lindroth

Introduces a collection of essays devoted to addressing diverging ideas on the pattern of environmental protest in the European Union, 1988-1997. Here, discussion opens with a consideration of why environmental protest is compelling & why it has broader implications for democratic politics & for policy making. In terms of the institutionalization of environmentalism, environmental movement organizations' (EMOs') involvement in policy making is seen as important. Such institutionalization leads to official acceptance & a concomitant deescalation of contention & demobilization. However, environmental protest recurred across the EU, leading to an exploration of cross-national variation in France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, the Basque Country, Sweden, & GB. From this, the impact of EU integration on the character of the continental environmental movement is contemplated, particularly in light of the reciprocal relationship between the EC & EMOs. In closing, some attention is given to public event methodology & the data sources used to address the various questions raised in the contributions: public record of environmental protest in leading newspapers of the comparison countries. J. Zendejas

Introduces a collection of essays devoted to addressing diverging ideas on the pattern of environmental protest in the European Union, 1988-1997. Here, discussion opens with a consideration of why environmental protest is compelling & why it has broader implications for democratic politics & for policy making. In terms of the institutionalization of environmentalism, environmental movement organizations' (EMOs') involvement in policy making is seen as important. Such institutionalization leads to official acceptance & a concomitant deescalation of contention & demobilization. However, environmental protest recurred across the EU, leading to an exploration of cross-national variation in France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Spain, the Basque Country, Sweden, & GB. From this, the impact of EU integration on the character of the continental environmental movement is contemplated, particularly in light of the reciprocal relationship between the EC & EMOs. In closing, some attention is given to public event methodology & the data sources used to address the various questions raised in the contributions: public record of environmental protest in leading newspapers of the comparison countries. J. Zendejas

This collection of essays builds on a tradition of scholarly collaboration that began at a meeting of social movement scholars from the US & Europe at the Free U of Amsterdam in 1986. The meeting aimed to bridge the gaps between American & European scholarly traditions & between sociologists & political scientists. As new generations have joined in this collaboration, the bridge between old & new has had to be bridged as well. The contributions to this book reflect the richness of this collaboration as they study contemporary social movements & their interactions with opponents, authorities, & international institutions. They touch on some promising research topics such as global protest campaigns, counter-summits, cross-sectoral alliances among movements & nongovernmental organizations, & the refraction of transnational protest activity into the domestic arena. Drawing on recent cases of transnational contention -- eg, from the European Social Forum, the Argentinean human rights movement, & the Zapatistas -- the essays adapt the concepts & hypotheses developed in social movement scholarship to a new cycle of protest development around the globe under three headings: Transnationalism from the Inside; Diffusion & Scale Shift; & Internationalization. J. Stanton

Discusses political struggles of black activists in the UK, drawing on an analysis of several campaigns of the Southall Black Sisters (SBS) & its sister organization, Brent Asian Women's Refuge. It is suggested that these campaigns were motivated by a simple black/white dichotomy, which, while creating solidarity, also rested on inappropriate essentialisms. Personal recognition of the ambiguity & contradictions in dominant & subordinate groups was attained when Indian Hindu nationalists began to oppress Christians during the early 1990s. As a Hindu, the author at that time became both part of a subordinate group fighting for justice, & part of an oppressive group that denied justice to others. This experience pointed the way to a new kind of political strategizing that depended less on essentialisms than on an embrace of difference. Women against Fundamentalism, a women's group dedicated to fighting religious fundamentalism in the UK, is identified as a form of coalitional politics that draws its strength from diversity rather than homogeneity. 3 References. D. Ryfe

This chapter presents three stories of recent events that illustrate three properties of emerging transnational protest: inclusive organization models that favor diversity & issue-linking; social technologies that facilitate decentralized networks & help explain shifts in the scale of coordinated transnational activism; & the political capacities of members to communicate their issues & form effective relationships with the targets of protest. These formulations derive from observations about the growing global social justice movement & its intersection with protests against the US war & occupation of Iraq. A framework is developed for understanding the tensions between & different strategies of today's direct action networks & the more centralized nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) & social movement coalitions that emerged in the earlier era of issue-specific (eg, labor, environment, human rights) transnational activism. Contemporary strategies include less NGO dominance of campaign & policy networks; the evolution of multi-issue organizations (ATTAC in Europe); more direct individual involvement in setting the agenda from below; & the proliferation of permanent campaigns not controlled by NGOs or coalitions. Tables. J. Stanton

Explores the political potential of recent postmodern scholarship on Third World women in terms of its significance for development policy & practice, which orient debates in the gender & development literature. The writings of A. Ong (1988) & C. Mohanty (1988) are considered representative of postmodernist scholarship that challenges liberal & socialist approaches for their universalist & hegemonic approaches. While much in these analyses is accepted, it is suggested that, in taking a stand against the political impact of previous scholarship, Ong & Mohanty position themselves as social critics par excellence & their framework as the only appropriate form of social criticism. In so doing, the moral issues of poverty, hunger, health care, & literacy, which historically have been at the heart of scholarship on women & development in the South, are virtually ignored in their work. Essentialist concepts are taken to be critical to feminism, because it is seeking to develop political strategies that might unite a diversity of experiences for political coalitions & alliances. D. M. Smith

Examines the relationship between judicial activism & liberal constitutionalism in regard to state actors, & argues that judicial activism does not necessarily lead to the decline of democratic politics in Canada. The contention that different state actors produce different effects on liberal constitutionalism is illuminated by judicial review of legal rights by the Supreme Court of Canada between 1982 & 1999, particularly concerning the impact of judicial activism on the conduct of the police & legal rights cases involving challenges to statutes & regulations. It is concluded that the impact of judicial activism varies & is dependent on the state actor in question & the particular policy area. 4 Tables. L. Collins Leigh

Discusses racial interactions in two low-income, racially mixed neighborhoods in Philadelphia, PA, arguing that local government strategies, based on oversimplified national-level models, exacerbate racial tensions rather than achieving interracial cooperation. Fourteen anthropologists between 1988 & 1990 conducted fieldwork in the two neighborhoods of differing political-economic trajectories & racial & class compositions. They observed everyday activities, school, & shopping as well as activist campaigns, neighborhood celebrations, & healing events after tragedies, & they interviewed 50+ community leaders & household members. The political activism encouraged by Philadelphia's Changing Relations Project to improve local conditions reflects state use of conflicting unrealistic discourses of multiculturalism, with identities remaining racialized, stereotyped, & divisive. Economic restructuring has brought neighborhood decline that has hardened racial, ethnic, & class boundaries, effectively disrupting common class-based political subjectivity. L. A. Hoffman

Draws upon information gleaned from 50 interviews with activists in New York, Los Angeles, & Chicago to examine grassroots efforts to increase awareness about & empower individuals living with human immuno-deficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS), in order to shed light on the interaction between multiple oppressions & collective action. Ways in which multiple inequalities like sexism, racism, homophobia, & classism impact the struggle against AIDS are explored at both the movement & community level. Grassroots efforts to resist multiple oppressions in communities of color are analyzed to demonstrate the creation of multidimensional oppositional consciousness & mobilization for collective action. It is contended that the key strategies used to oppose dominant ideological conceptions of the "other" are constructive dialogue, empowerment initiatives, community embeddedness, & use of indigenous culture. Special attention is given to the incorporation of cultural elements into activism; the crucial role played by race in the HIV/AIDS movement; & the structuring of political work around multiple collective identities, cultural symbols, & structural positions. J. Lindroth

Draws upon information gleaned from 50 interviews with activists in New York, Los Angeles, & Chicago to examine grassroots efforts to increase awareness about & empower individuals living with human immuno-deficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS), in order to shed light on the interaction between multiple oppressions & collective action. Ways in which multiple inequalities like sexism, racism, homophobia, & classism impact the struggle against AIDS are explored at both the movement & community level. Grassroots efforts to resist multiple oppressions in communities of color are analyzed to demonstrate the creation of multidimensional oppositional consciousness & mobilization for collective action. It is contended that the key strategies used to oppose dominant ideological conceptions of the "other" are constructive dialogue, empowerment initiatives, community embeddedness, & use of indigenous culture. Special attention is given to the incorporation of cultural elements into activism; the crucial role played by race in the HIV/AIDS movement; & the structuring of political work around multiple collective identities, cultural symbols, & structural positions. J. Lindroth

An examination of the health care/scientific community's response to breast cancer argues that many practices do as much, or more, harm than good. Specifics highlighted include the initial lack of interest in women's health in the US; the failure to include survivor input in either research or practice; & the skewing of research data in favor of pharmacological remedies. It is noted that the activism of multiple groups/organizations made women's health a priority in the 1990s & significantly increased funding for breast cancer research. The story of a breast cancer survivor's efforts to establish a grassroots group devoted to support, education, & advocacy illustrates the complex relationship of science, politics, & feminism that surrounds the issue of breast cancer. Characteristics of a feminist analysis of science are examined to show the ability of feminist perspectives to reveal conceptual errors & dubious value judgments in biology that negatively affect finding solutions to problems. Medical research/practice & social change issues related to breast cancer that need to be addressed by feminist scientists are discussed. 30 References. J. Lindroth

Data for an analysis of political participation among South Baptist ministers were drawn from a 1996 survey completed by 361 ministers that addressed 24 activity items & various perspectives. Special attention was given to four sources of activism: personal resources; professional ideology; issue mobilization; & organizational activity. A series of multiple ordinary least squares regression analyses, followed by a final regression analysis, showed that social class background, current social class, & educational attainment had no impact on political activism. A minister's approval of political activity was the factor that contributed the most to clergy activism; however, concern about moral issues, political interest, strength of conservative convictions, & strong preference for the Republican party were contributory factors. There was also indication of organizational influences, especially on the part of members of the Christian Coalition, & greater political participation by ministers from larger churches or those whose members approved of their political involvement. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth

Data for an analysis of political participation among South Baptist ministers were drawn from a 1996 survey completed by 361 ministers that addressed 24 activity items & various perspectives. Special attention was given to four sources of activism: personal resources; professional ideology; issue mobilization; & organizational activity. A series of multiple ordinary least squares regression analyses, followed by a final regression analysis, showed that social class background, current social class, & educational attainment had no impact on political activism. A minister's approval of political activity was the factor that contributed the most to clergy activism; however, concern about moral issues, political interest, strength of conservative convictions, & strong preference for the Republican party were contributory factors. There was also indication of organizational influences, especially on the part of members of the Christian Coalition, & greater political participation by ministers from larger churches or those whose members approved of their political involvement. 2 Tables. J. Lindroth