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This book focuses on rapprochement and normalisation between Israel and some Arab countries within the context of global and regional geopolitics, bringing together broader perspectives on transformations resulting from this. The analysis is rooted in a historical and cultural construction of the region as an Islamic sphere viewing Israel as a perpetuation of the Western colonial project in the region. It analyses how this normalisation must not be treated as a novel phenomenon, but as a reconstruction of the past and continuity in tradition geared at regional stability, signifying a wider shift in the structure of the global international system. The first section addresses the international perspectives of the changing dynamics through the lens of US domestic politics, disengagement plans, China's increasing understanding of the geopolitics of the Abrahamic world. It equally pays enough attention to the attendant implications of this normalisation. The second section of the book explores the reflections of regional (state and non-state) actors, such as Turkey, Iran, Syria, Pakistan, and Hezbollah, and the catalysing effects of this normalisation within and beyond the region. The book is a rich resource for scholars of regional and international relations, in particular Middle East studies. It provides useful reading material for both undergraduate and graduate students of Political Science, think tanks, diplomats, and IR experts and policy analysts, who are desirous of having rich theoretical and empirical underpinnings of unfolding realities in the larger Middle East. Bakare Najimdeen is Associate Professor at the Centre for International Peace & Stability (CIPS), Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, National University of Sciences & Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar's protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism.

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar's protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism. ; Niebawem po tym jak Nigeria uzyskała niepodległość, 1.10.1960 r., państwo to musiało zmierzyć się z nowymi realiami, potęgowanymi kolonialną przeszłością oraz sporami pomiędzy licznymi mniejszościami religijno-etnicznymi. Efektem była m.in. wojna domowa, która wybuchła w 1967 r. Od samych początków swej państwowości Nigeria eksperymentowała z różnymi formami rządów, którym udało się wprowadzić kraj na tory umiarkowanego rozwoju ekonomicznego. Niestety państwo to wciąż zmaga się z ruchami separatystycznymi nawołującymi do secesji poszczególnych prowincji państwa, np. Biafra, Oduduwa, czy Ruch na rzecz wyzwolenia delty Nigru. Artykuł ten ma na celu m.in. omówienie literatury przedmiotu oraz analizę wspomnianych ruchów separatystycznych ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ich działal ności agitacyjnej. Podstawę metodologiczną dla autora stanowi teoria przewlekłego konfliktu Edward Azara. Zdaniem autora nigeryjski system polityczny zamiast opierać się na realizacji prawa do samostanowienia poszczególnych grup etnicznych wchodzących w skład Nigerii lub podziałach terytorialnych prowadzących do dezintegracji państwa, powinien powrócić do modelu opartego o regionalizację. Zakłada on autonomię regionów, które współpracując ze sobą w ramach jednego organizmu państwowego potrafiłyby w znacznie efektywniejszy sposób realizować swoje potrzeby, zarówno na poziomie poszczególnych grup etnicznych, jak też i na poziomie jednostki ludzkiej.

Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar's protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism. ; Niebawem po tym jak Nigeria uzyskała niepodległość, 1.10.1960 r., państwo to musiało zmierzyć się z nowymi realiami, potęgowanymi kolonialną przeszłością oraz sporami pomiędzy licznymi mniejszościami religijno-etnicznymi. Efektem była m.in. wojna domowa, która wybuchła w 1967 r. Od samych początków swej państwowości Nigeria eksperymentowała z różnymi formami rządów, którym udało się wprowadzić kraj na tory umiarkowanego rozwoju ekonomicznego. Niestety państwo to wciąż zmaga się z ruchami separatystycznymi nawołującymi do secesji poszczególnych prowincji państwa, np. Biafra, Oduduwa, czy Ruch na rzecz wyzwolenia delty Nigru. Artykuł ten ma na celu m.in. omówienie literatury przedmiotu oraz analizę wspomnianych ruchów separatystycznych ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ich działal ności agitacyjnej. Podstawę metodologiczną dla autora stanowi teoria przewlekłego konfliktu Edward Azara. Zdaniem autora nigeryjski system polityczny zamiast opierać się na realizacji prawa do samostanowienia poszczególnych grup etnicznych wchodzących w skład Nigerii lub podziałach terytorialnych prowadzących do dezintegracji państwa, powinien powrócić do modelu opartego o regionalizację. Zakłada on autonomię regionów, które współpracując ze sobą w ramach jednego organizmu państwowego potrafiłyby w znacznie efektywniejszy sposób realizować swoje potrzeby, zarówno na poziomie poszczególnych grup etnicznych, jak też i na poziomie jednostki ludzkiej.

Marketing big organizations requires deep thinking and extraction of the essence in a nutshell fashion. It is an exercise in epiphany, that projects thinking and motivation as guides towards value-adding; what underlines the renowned 'Yo shinai, Yo kangai' Japanese philosophy, popularized by the Toyota Motor Company. The 'good thinking, good product' statement is a philosophy that is self-sustaining, needing the energy to drive the market, and sell its potentials to prospective clients. A new economic paradigm has emerged in the Nigerian university space as a result of recent proliferation of private universities. This development which encourages healthy rivalry and competitiveness calls for a compulsory revision and re-modelling of vision and mission statements for some universities, to project values and drive market orientation in an expansive client-based knowledge economy. In an economy harboring 43 Federal universities, 48 State universities, and 79 Private universities, the competition is getting stiffer by the day, and the contest between the traditional first generation universities and the avant-garde private universities is widening. The government-owned public universities have to catch up with the ideals of modernity and global competitiveness presented by the 21st century. A population of over 200 million people provides a vibrant market for university business. In this study, we shall probe the relevance of vision and mission as structuring principles in the Nigerian university space, and interrogate their perspectives on goals and objectives in a developing nation. We shall seek to know how realistic the statements are, given contextual challenges, and given that the statements in some instances, show obvious misunderstanding of basic meanings and expected functions of vision and mission statements. We shall posit that lack of proper setup of the structuring pattern is comparable to a derailed locomotive heading for oblivion. Drawing from a few number of concrete examples, we shall conclude by ...

Since donning the mantle of authority, President Putin has taken actions which have uninhibitedly been geared at reasserting Russia's hegemony around the world. Putin's Look East policy stems from his schematic geopolitics, a plan which was formally announced in 2010. Through the prism of Putin's Look East policy, the paper contextually analyses Russia–South Asia relations, with reference to India and Pakistan. By cross-examining Russia's official foreign policy documents, the paper establishes why South Asia is paramount to Russia's economic and geostrategic reassertion. Every new policy has its challenges, and the same holds true for the Look East policy vis-à-vis South Asia. Premised on the unfolding geopolitics in the region, the paper surmises that striking a balance between New Delhi and Islamabad will be problematic for Moscow, just as it has always been for Washington.

This paper delivers a general background study of Nigeria?s foreign and defence policies from 1960-1999. The paper argues that, the focus of Nigeria?s foreign and defence policies from 1960 to 1999 was dictated and conditioned by the prevalent internal and external threats to national security and the urge to be Africa?s security guarantor. Promoting democratic governance was not a major feature of policy since, immediately after independence, Nigeria was strongly focused on supporting the decolonisation of the African states through the instrumentality of the OAU. While most African countries were still under colonial rule, Nigeria?s strategic interests were primarily to support peace, decolonisation and economic development in Africa. The paper also notes that, over four decades of its external relations before the return to civilian rule in May 1999, the most visible employment of Nigeria?s armed forces in pursuit of the country?s foreign policy objectives was in support of various UN peacekeeping missions within the African continent and around the world. In addition to this, it is also argued that a central goal of Nigerian foreign and defence policies from 1966 to 1999, was to fulfil its ?manifest destiny? as a regional leader in sub-Saharan Africa, but not to promoting the democratisation of the African states. However, this paper makes use of a descriptive and historical approaches to analyse the salient characteristics of Nigerian foreign and defence policies before the return to the civilian government in 1999.

Among other compelling factors, the ramifications of the Eurozone crisis and a contentious refugee crisis at the European shores and borders gave incentive to the re-assertion of European populism. Across continental Europe, populist politics is undoubtedly gaining political spotlight; though they remain peripheral within the large political sphere. Arguably, these parties often exhibit certain traits, which lead to their monolithic description, yet there is incongruity amongst them. In as much as democracy allows the freedom of expression and liberal political participation, it is nevertheless embedded with degree of contradictions. The narratives and actions of European populist parties and their constituents embody those contradictions. These contradictions by extension contrive radical effects on the European political theatre. Radical populist politics that now inundates European political landscape is actually spirited by the existence of hibernated but political radical germs. Populism and anti-Europeanism is trendy because of socialization breakdown, a political rupture that paves way for oppositional values based on radical ideology with the intent to cause radical replacement of the dominant ideology. Radical populism has reengineered political discourse, a shift from politically incorrect to acceptable political narratives. With the market theory of supply and demand, this paper considers political ideology as commodity and the electorates as rational actors (buyers), capable and at liberty to make rational choices on what sort of political commodity best suits their interest. The implication is the propensity of the electorates to switch loyalty from one (political) product to another. Lastly, the paper explores how impactful radical populism could be on the European political theatre and whether or not radical populism endangers democracy, breaches minority right, contribute to anti-egalitarian and anti-humanitarian policy.

The Middle East crises reiterate the popular sentiment that the region will retain her volatility for years to come, whilst refreshing our memory of the transnationalism of modern political upheaval. The wave and magnitude of the displaced people out of the Middle East, particularly from Syria does not merely underpin the depth of the humanitarian crisis, but the ferocity shown by the victims trying to reach the supposedly shore of hope, help, prosperity, and posterity in Europe. The crisis further illuminates the often rejected view that the Muslim societies cannot command a common voice to resolving common crisis mostly challenging fellow religious and cultural kin. Yet, the crisis also lay bare before our naked eyes that irrespective of the looming and daunting crises confronting Europe, Europeans have not altogether forsaken their moral value of humanitarianism, though the latter is challenged by the growing propensity of far-rightism. The article is an attempt to understand the European reactions towards the refugee crisis through the prism of event-analysis, policy-assessment, and public opinion. Doing the latter, the research delineates the three dimensional approaches (institution, state, and people) through which European have treated the crisis. The piece underscored the pertinence of the far-right tendency, not as mere farce, but a reckonable force potential enough to determine the final fate of the refugees seeking succor in Europe. The piece was not completed without expounding the extent to which Muslim/Arab states responded to the crisis.

Of recent, newspapers across Europe carry headlines portraying Muslim radicalism. This is true giving the complicity of Muslim youth in various violent attacks. The headlines resonate amidst the growing nationalism in Europe, deeply tainted and lanced with conservatism. The Charlie Hebdo attack equally reiterated the protracted debates on the extent to which Islam is compatible with Western ethos. The attack further brought to surface the issue of freedom of expression, an essential part of Western democracy. This raises questions such as: who determines and what constitutes the public sphere; what are the lines of distinctions between the private and public domains; should there be a level of shared respect between the majority and minority; are European Muslims an integral part of the mainstream European society; what factors shape the radicalization of European Muslim youth; does religion actually have huge space in their minds; and, how much does constructivism present and resolve the protracted debate between the European Muslim community and the host society. Radicalization of European Muslim youth is less of ideology, but more of socio-economic deprivation.