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The article's objective is to analyse the process of Europeanisation of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia. The author has attempted to present the main conceptual assumptions regarding this process, pointing to the multiplicity of definitions and research directions, and has subsequently highlighted the evolution of Greek foreign policy towards North Macedonia in the context of the Europeanisation of Greek diplomacy. In the conclusions, the author has emphasised that this particular Europeanisation is somewhat sinusoidal and is conditioned upon a number of factors, including the nature of relations between the Greek political elites and the society of that country. The article has also highlighted that Greece has gradually been shaping its image as a Europeanised country with a credible and predictable foreign policy.

The main aim of the article is to present and analyze the evolution of Greek policy towards the Balkans from the end of the Cold War to the present day. The article uses the chronological-descriptive method and a case study. The article indicates that initially Greek policy in the region was reactive, conservative, nationalist, and based on cooperation with the Serbian government of Milosevich, which led to the marginalization of its importance in the Balkans. Only the Europeanization of Greek politics and the reliance on Euro- Atlantic structures strengthens Athens' position among its Balkan neighbors. Undoubtedly, the financial crisis hampered the effectiveness of Greece's Balkan policy, which is currently ambitiously rebuilding its image as an advocate of the Balkan states in the EU and NATO.

Turcja od czasu powstania republiki w 1923 r. ukierunkowana była na westernizację i budowanie ścisłych kontaktów z państwami europejskimi. Także po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i powstaniu systemu dwublokowego zadecydowała o członkostwie w bloku państw kapitalistycznych jako sojusznik w ramach NATO oraz aspirant do członkostwa we Wspólnotach Europejskich. Rozpad systemu jałtańskiego i powstanie układu multipolarnego stał się wyzwaniem dla kształtowania nowych kierunków w polityce zagranicznej Turcji, osłabił równocześnie jej związki z Zachodem. Ankara uwierzyła bezkrytycznie we własny potencjał i możliwości pełnienia roli mocarstwa regionalnego i państwa euroazjatyckiego budującego swoje wpływy na obszarze dawnego Imperium Otomańskiego. Wydaje się jednak, że bezkrytyczna samoocena i wygórowane ambicje przerosły możliwości polityków tureckich.

Since the founding of the republic in 1923, Turkey has been geared towards westernization and building close contacts with European states. Even after the end of World War II and the emergence of the bipolar system, it decided on membership of the capitalist bloc as an ally within NATO and aspired to membership in the European Communities. The disintegration of the Yalta system and the creation of the multipolar system became a challenge for shaping new directions in Turkey's foreign policy, and at the same time weakened its links with the Western allies. Ankara has started to believe uncritically in its own potential and capacity to act as a regional power and Eurasian state that was building its influence in the area of the former Ottoman Empire. It seems, however, that uncritical self-esteem and excessive ambition have outstripped the possibilities of Turkish politicians ; Turcja od czasu powstania republiki w 1923 r. ukierunkowana była na westernizację i budowanie ścisłych kontaktów z państwami europejskimi. Także po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i powstaniu systemu dwublokowego zadecydowała o członkostwie w bloku państw kapitalistycznych jako sojusznik w ramach NATO oraz aspirant do członkostwa we Wspólnotach Europejskich. Rozpad systemu jałtańskiego i powstanie układu multipolarnego stał się wyzwaniem dla kształtowania nowych kierunków w polityce zagranicznej Turcji, osłabił równocześnie jej związki z Zachodem. Ankara uwierzyła bezkrytycznie we własny potencjał i możliwości pełnienia roli mocarstwa regionalnego i państwa euroazjatyckiego budującego swoje wpływy na obszarze dawnego Imperium Otomańskiego. Wydaje się jednak, że bezkrytyczna samoocena i wygórowane ambicje przerosły możliwości polityków tureckich.

Turcja od czasu powstania republiki w 1923 r. ukierunkowana była na westernizację i budowanie ścisłych kontaktów z państwami europejskimi. Także po zakończeniu drugiej wojny światowej i powstaniu systemu dwublokowego zadecydowała o członkostwie w bloku państw kapitalistycznych jako sojusznik w ramach NATO oraz aspirant do członkostwa we Wspólnotach Europejskich. Rozpad systemu jałtańskiego i powstanie układu multipolarnego stał się wyzwaniem dla kształtowania nowych kierunków w polityce zagranicznej Turcji, osłabił równocześnie jej związki z Zachodem. Ankara uwierzyła bezkrytycznie we własny potencjał i możliwości pełnienia roli mocarstwa regionalnego i państwa euroazjatyckiego budującego swoje wpływy na obszarze dawnego Imperium Otomańskiego. Wydaje się jednak, że bezkrytyczna samoocena i wygórowane ambicje przerosły możliwości polityków tureckich. ; Since the founding of the republic in 1923, Turkey has been geared towards westernization and building close contacts with European states. Even after the end of World War II and the emergence of the bipolar system, it decided on membership of the capitalist bloc as an ally within NATO and aspired to membership in the European Communities. The disintegration of the Yalta system and the creation of the multipolar system became a challenge for shaping new directions in Turkey's foreign policy, and at the same time weakened its links with the Western allies. Ankara has started to believe uncritically in its own potential and capacity to act as a regional power and Eurasian state that was building its influence in the area of the former Ottoman Empire. It seems, however, that uncritical self-esteem and excessive ambition have outstripped the possibilities of Turkish politicians.

The main objective of this article is to present the way attitudes towards Albanian people and the perception of them has changed in Greece. The Albanians came to Greece following the collapse of the Communist bloc at the beginning of the 1990s. Within time it transpired that it was a mass immigration of approximately 500,000 people. Greece was not prepared for such an enormous influx of foreigners and failed to initiate an effective migration policy. The initial reactions of the Greek politicians, media, and society were negative. Social feelings, however, began to turn in the first decade of the XX century. Albanians ceased to be stigmatized as a threat and started to be perceived in a positive way through the prism of the demands of the Greek economy. The economic and migration crisis, however, lead to the reappearance of a xenophobic mood among the Greeks.

The main purpose of the article is to present how the Greek- -Macedonian naming dispute influenced the problem of implementation the international identity of Macedonia. Despite the initial problems of the government in Skopje related to determining their international identity, Macedonians managed to define the principles regarding the identification of a new state on the international stage. As a small country with limited attributes to shape its international position, Macedonia has basically been determined to seek guarantees for its existence and security in stable and predictable European international structures such as NATO and the European Union. The main obstacle for Macedonians on the road to Euro-Atlantic structures was the veto of Greece, a member of these organizations, resulting from Athens' refusal to accept the name the Republic of Macedonia. The Prespa Agreement of 2018 gave a new impetus to the realization of the international identity of North Macedonia.

The main objective of this article is to analyze the impact of Ankara's reference to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire on contemporary Turkish foreign policy and the attitude of Poland towards such a reversal in Turkish diplomacy. Turkey is now more aware that it has no chance of gaining European Union membership. In this situation, Ankara has begun to emphasize its Eurasian character and is trying to build its influence in the region, in particular among eastern and southern neighbors. To have a greater impact on its neighbors, Turkey refers to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The weakening of Ankara's political relations with the western world is particularly worrisome for Poland, which appreciates Turkey's geostrategic position and its role in the European security system. The greatest concern among Poles is caused by the political and economic rapprochement between Ankara and Moscow. What also disturbs Poles is the fact that Turkey, which had made pro-democratic efforts, is departing from the principles fundamental to Europeans.

The main objective of this article is to analyze the impact of Ankara's reference to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire on contemporary Turkish foreign policy and the attitude of Poland towards such a reversal in Turkish diplomacy. Turkey is now more aware that it has no chance of gaining European Union membership. In this situation, Ankara has begun to emphasize its Eurasian character and is trying to build its influence in the region, in particular among eastern and southern neighbors. To have a greater impact on its neighbors, Turkey refers to the legacy of the Ottoman Empire. The weakening of Ankara's political relations with the western world is particularly worrisome for Poland, which appreciates Turkey's geostrategic position and its role in the European security system. The greatest concern among Poles is caused by the political and economic rapprochement between Ankara and Moscow. What also disturbs Poles is the fact that Turkey, which had made pro-democratic efforts, is departing from the principles fundamental to Europeans.