Search results

Abstract
Albert O. Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty. Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and States (1970, in German 1974) deconstructs a stereotype of economic behavior that large parts of social sciences define and analyze as rational and goal-oriented. Hirschman confronts the image of a rational and efficient economy, constantly working towards maximizing output, with the fluctuation and deterioration of its performance. Exit and Voice constitute, according to Hirschman, the fundamental mechanisms available to counteract this tendency for performance decline. He introduces market and non-market forces into his analysis, thereby addressing both economic and political mechanisms, in order to advance the mutual recognition of both disciplines, which Hirschman deems insufficient. At the time of its publication, Hirschman's study was appreciated for its cross-disciplinary approach. In the eyes of the author however, what grants the book current relevance is its analytical compatibility with devastating present-day problems.

Wie konnte es im kommunistisch geprägten Ostmitteleuropa während der Epoche des Kalten Krieges eine linke Dissidenz geben? Woraus entwickelte sie sich, welchen Wertvorstellungen folgte sie und über welche Organisationsmuster verfügte sie? Während zum wirtschaftlichen und politischen Niedergang der kommunistischen Systeme mittlerweile eine Reihe von Arbeiten vorliegen und die gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen seit den 1970er Jahren vor allem unter dem Signum europaweit ausgreifender Zivilgesellschaftlichkeit analysiert werden, gehören Studien, die hinsichtlich der unterschiedlich sozialisierten und politisierten Ursprungsmilieus dieser Zivilgesellschaften differenzieren, nach wie vor zu einem Desiderat der Forschung. Diese Situation versucht die vorliegende Arbeit zu ändern, indem sie sich einer milieu- und beziehungsgeschichtlichen Untersuchung linker Dissidenz in Polen zwischen 1956 und 1976 zuwendet. Agnes Arndt fragt inwiefern es sich bei dem hier untersuchten Milieu um einen spezifisch linken Flügel der Dissidenz gehandelt hat, und in welchem Verhältnis er tatsächlich zum kommunistischen Regime in Polen stand. Die politische und moralische Selbstverortung des dissidenten Milieus im Spannungsfeld eines fortschreitenden Bedeutungsverlusts des Marxismus einerseits und den Realitäten des »Staatssozialismus« andererseits steht im Mittelpunkt der Untersuchung.

1. Introduction: Participatory Politics, Institutions, and Emotional Templating- Ute Frevert and Kerstin Maria Pahl -- 2. Feeling Political in Public Administration: French Bureaucracy between Militancy and sens de l'État, 1789–2019- Francesco Buscemi -- 3. Feeling Political in Parliament: Rules, Regulations, and the Rostrum, Germany 1849–1951- Philipp Nielsen -- 4. Feeling Political through Law: The Emergence of an International Criminal Jurisdiction, 1899–2019- Agnes Arndt -- 5. Feeling Political through Pictures: Portrayals of US Presidents, 1796–2020- Kerstin Maria Pahl -- 6. Feeling Political through the Radio: President Roosevelt's Fire Side Chats, 1933–1944- Michael Amico -- 7. Feeling Political on Armistice Day: Institutional Struggles in Interwar France- Karsten Lichau -- 8. Feeling Political in Military Cemeteries: Commemoration Politics in Fascist Italy- Hannah Malone -- 9. Feeling Political through a Football Club: FC Schalke 04, 1904–2020- Julia Wambach -- 10. Feeling Political by Collective Singing: Political Youth Organizations in Germany, 1920s–1960s- Juliane Brauer -- 11. Feeling Political across Borders: International Solidarity Movements, 1820s–1980s- Caroline Moine -- 12. Feeling Political in Demonstrations: Street Politics in Germany, 1832–2018- Ute Frevert.

Historicizing both emotions and politics, this open access book argues that the historical work of emotion is most clearly understood in terms of the dynamics of institutionalization. This is shown in twelve case studies that focus on decisive moments in European and US history from 1800 until today. Each case study clarifies how emotions were central to people's political engagement and its effects. The sources range from parliamentary buildings and social movements, to images and speeches of presidents, from fascist cemeteries to the International Criminal Court. Both the timeframe and the geographical focus have been chosen to highlight the increasingly participatory character of nineteenth- and twentieth-century politics, which is inconceivable without the work of emotions.

In many ways what is identified today as "cultural globalization" in Eastern Europe has its roots in the Cold War phenomena of samizdat ("do-it-yourself" underground publishing) and tamizdat (publishing abroad). This volume offers a new understanding of how information flowed between East and West during the Cold War, as well as the much broader circulation of cultural products instigated and sustained by these practices. By expanding the definitions of samizdat and tamizdat from explicitly political print publications to include other forms and genres, this volume investigates the wider cultural sphere of alternative and semi-official texts, broadcast media, reproductions of visual art and music, and, in the post-1989 period, new media. The underground circulation of uncensored texts in the Cold War era serves as a useful foundation for comparison when looking at current examples of censorship, independent media, and the use of new media in countries like China, Iran, and the former Yugoslavia.