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Civil society, NGOs, governments, and multilateral institutions all repeatedly call for improved or 'good' governance - yet they seem to speak past one another. Governance is in danger of losing all meaning precisely because it means many things to different people in varied locations. This is especially true in sub-Saharan Africa. Here, the postcolony takes many forms, reflecting the imperial project with painful accuracy. Offering a set of multidisciplinary analyses of governance in different sectors (crisis management, water, food security, universities), in different locales (including the African Union and specific regional contexts from West Africa, Zambia, to South Africa), and from different theoretical approaches (network to adversarial network governance, and beyond), this volume makes a useful addition to the growing debates on 'how to govern'. It steers away from offering a 'correct' definition of governance, or from promoting a particular position on postcoloniality. It gives no conclusion that neatly sums up all the arguments advanced. Instead, readers are invited to draw their own conclusions based on these differing approaches to and analyses of governance in the postcolony. As a robust, critical assessment of power and accountability in the sub-Saharan context, this collection brings together topical case studies that will be a valuable resource for those working in the field of African international relations, public policy, public management and administration.

After centuries of white domination and decades of increasingly savage repression, freedom came to South Africa far later than elsewhere in the continent - and yet was marked by a commitment to non-racialism. Nelson Mandela's Cabinet and government were made up of women and men of all races, and many spoke of the birth of a new "Rainbow Nation". How did this come about? How did an African nationalist liberation movement resisting apartheid - a universally denounced violent expression of white supremacy - open its doors to other races, and whites in particular? And what did non-racialism mean? This is the real "miracle" of South Africa: that at the height of white supremacy and repression, black and white democrats - in their different organisations, coming from vastly different backgrounds and traditions - agreed on one thing: that the future for South Africa would be non-racial.

In der Zeit nach der Apartheit blieben Jugendstudien politisiert. Dieser Beitrag beleuchtet den Hintergrund von Jugendstudien in Südafrika und benützt eine eben veröffentlichte nationale Studie zur gesellschaftlichen Stellung der Jugendlichen, die als "out-of-school" Jugendliche bezeichnet werden: junge Menschen, welche die Schule gegen ihren Willen vorzeitig verlassen mussten und nicht in der Lage sind, weiter zu studieren, obwohl sie den Wunsch äußern, dies zu tun. Genau ein Drittel der Befragten (33%) einer national durchgeführten Studie über 16-30jährige gehört zur Kategorie der "out-of-school" Jugendlichen. Übersetzt man das in Zahlen, so haben 3,5 Millionen junge Menschen nicht so lange zur Schule gehen können wie sie wollten; sie möchten wieder einsteigen, können dies aber aus verschiedenen Gründen nicht. Dieser Artikel behandelt die verschiedenen Gründe warum Jugendliche die Schule vorzeitig verließen, wieso sie ihre Studien nicht wieder aufgenommen haben und er untersucht die unterschiedlichen demographischen Profile der Jugendlichen in verschiedenen Stufen des Ausbildungssystems. Der Autor argumentiert, daß ohne gezielte Programme, welche die "out-of school" Jugendlichen zu erreichen suchen und ihnen angemessene Ausbildungs- und Beratungsmöglichkeiten bieten, die Zukunftsaussichten dieser Jugendlichen besonders negativ werden. (DIPF/Orig.)

The Gauteng City-Region (GCR) incorporates the three major metropolitan municipalities of Johannesburg, Tshwane and Ekurhuleni and is the most important polycentric urban area in southern and South Africa. This article explores the interplay between the politics and planning of urban space in the post-apartheid context in which the GCR is located. This article applies theories of postcolonial and post-apartheid urbanism to analyse the dialectics of politics and planning in city-regions and in relation to their component cities, to help answer the key question: How is politics shaping planning in the GCR in the democratic period, and with what future impact?

In this article we contest the widespread view that the social or political consciousness that developed among South African youth, as a result of their role in the uprisings of the 1980s, led them to reject the authority of the older generation, in their families and generally. Using the results of a national probability-sample survey among youth of the four main race groups in South Africa, we argue that an assumed political consciousness is not a helpful variable to use in understanding South African youth and their attitudes towards the values of their parents. We go on to disaggregate "youth" according to parental presence and roles during childhood; to find various and changing patterns of parenting, including the importance of grandmothers; and to argue that intergenerational attitudes among young people differ importantly according to these differing formative experiences.