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Las imágenes cinematográficas permiten la construcción colectiva de la memoria. La representación del desaparecido es un reto para el cine documental que afronta esta problemática en la reconstrucción de la memoria traumática. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las características de la animación utilizadas en la producción audiovisual argentina para abordar la dictadura de la Junta Militar. El corpus está compuesto por nueve obras que incorporan total o parcialmente la animación como estrategia de representación: Los rubios (Albertina Carri, 2003), El Tiempo y la Sangre (Alejandra Almirón, 2004), La Matanza (María Giuffra, 2005), Padre (Santiago Grasso, 2008), Infancia clandestina (Benjamín Ávila, 2011), Zamba en la Casa Rosada (Fernando Salem, 2012), La mirada perdida (Damian Dionisio, 2012), La parte por el todo (Gato Martínez, Santiago Nacif y Roberto Persano, 2015) y Las muñecas de la Tía Tita (MaXi BearZi, 2017). Desde una perspectiva cualitativa, se analiza el papel que juega la animación en estas obras. También se incorpora la opinión de los autores para determinar los elementos que favorecen su proliferación en el ámbito de la memoria. Los resultados del estudio revelan el potencial de la animación como instrumento terapéutico con el que mostrar de manera alegórica al desaparecido y, adicionalmente, conectar emocionalmente con el inconsciente del espectador. La vinculación de este formato a la infancia favorece también el establecimiento de puentes que acerquen la memoria de la dictadura a las nuevas generaciones, con el fin de consolidar los valores democráticos en la sociedad. Cinematographic images allow the collectiveconstruction of memory. The representation of the disappeared is a challenge for documentary cinema that faces this problem in the reconstruction of traumatic memory. The aim of this work is to analysethe characteristics of the animation used in Argentine audiovisual production to tackle the dictatorship of the Military Junta. The corpus is made up of nine works that incorpórate animation, wholly or partly, as a strategy of representation: Los rubios(Albertina Carri, 2003), El Tiempo y la Sangre (Alejandra Almirón, 2004), La Matanza(María Giuffra, 2005), Padre (Santiago Grasso, 2008), Infancia clandestina (Benjamín Ávila, 2011), Zamba en la Casa Rosada(Fernando Salem, 2012), La mirada perdida (Damian Dionisio, 2012), La parte por el todo(Gato Martínez, Santiago Nacif and Roberto Persano, 2015) and Las muñecas de la Tía Tita(MaXi BearZi, 2017). From a qualitative perspective, the role played by animation in these works is analysed. The opinion of the authors is also incorporated to determine the elements that support its proliferation in the field of memory and the traumatic past. The results of the study reveal the potential of animation as a therapeutic tool with which to show the disappeared in an allegorical way. Additionally, animation allows the director to establish an emotional connection with the unconscious of the spectator. The link between animation and childhood favours the establishment of bridges that bring the memory of the dictatorship closer to the new generations, with the aim of consolidating democratic values in society.

Los medios digitales se caracterizan por ofrecer multitud de herramientas interactivas a la audiencia. Sin embargo, es el usuario quien decide cuál es su grado de participación y qué uso hace de ellas. En este artículo analizamos el caso de la Fórmula 1 en los cibermedios valencianos y observamos dos tipos de usuarios: usuario activo y usuario pasivo. El usuario activo prefiere participar en las noticias más polémicas y escribe comentarios, mayoritariamente, cuando no está de acuerdo con el punto de vista de la información. Es decir, mantiene una actitud combativa. Por su parte, el usuario pasivo consume noticias que aborden temas más ligeros y cuando lee noticias politizadas, escoge el encuadre que le refuerza ideológicamente. Digital media are characterized by offering many interactive tools for the audience. However, it is the user who decides what his level of participation is and how makes use of them. In this paper we analyze the case of Formula 1 in the Valencian cybermedia and we look at two types of users: active user and passive user. The active user prefers to participate in the most controversial news and writes comments, mostly when he disagrees with the point of view of the information. In other words, maintaining a combative attitude. For his share, passive user consumes news which deals with lighter themes. In case of political news, he likes to read these ones which strengthen his ideology.

Este trabajo analiza las diferencias en el estilo de comunicación en Facebook de partidos y candidatos, durante las campañas electorales de España (2016) y Alemania (2017). El objetivo es averiguar si los partidos populistas comparten estrategia en Facebook. Desde una perspectiva cuantitativa, se analiza el contenido de 1884 posts publicados por candidatos y partidos. Los resultados revelan discrepancias en las estrategias de comunicación populistas según la ideología de cada partido. This paper analyses the differences in the communication styles on Facebook during the electoral campaigns in Spain 2016 and Germany 2017. The article aims to find out if the populist parties share a common communication strategy on Facebook. From a quantitative perspective, we analyse the content of 1884 posts published by the main candidates and political parties. The results reveal discrepancies in the populist communication strategies according to the ideology of each party.

Social media has revolutionized political communication. It offers political parties a mass communication channel that lets them customize and create direct communication with citizens. This study analyses the posts of the main Spanish political parties on their Facebook pages during the 2015 general elections campaign. We quantitatively analyse the parties' frequency of publication on this social network and the content of their messages through a computerized content analysis. The results indicate that traditional and emergent parties manage their Facebook pages in distinct ways.

Social media has revolutionized political communication. It offers political parties a mass communication channel that lets them customize and create direct communication with citizens. This study analyses the posts of the main Spanish political parties on their Facebook pages during the 2015 general elections campaign. We quantitatively analyse the parties' frequency of publication on this social network and the content of their messages through a computerized content analysis. The results indicate that traditional and emergent parties manage their Facebook pages in distinct ways.

El uso de Internet y de sus posibilidades de persuasión e interacción ha convertido a los ciudadanos en actores políticos. Internet y las nuevas tecnologías no son un medio más, sino el reflejo organizativo de la nueva cultura política del ciberactivismo. Esta investigación ofrece datos sobre las características que tiene esa interacción dentro de un proceso de movilización política. Se ha empleado la herramienta de organización subreddit Plaza Podemos para descubrir si su uso expansivo se muestra eficaz para los foros virtuales del debate político comunitario. Se han obtenido datos de 100 hilos discursivos publicados en Plaza Podemos entre el 23 de abril y el 30 de septiembre de 2015. Se concluye que los usuarios de esta plataforma la usan en esencia para censurar las opiniones discrepantes que contradicen el criterio ideológico de un grupo de usuarios de la comunidad. The use of Internet and of his possibilities of persuasion and interaction has converted the citizens into political actors. Internet and the new technologies are not a usual media, but the organizational reflection of the political new culture of the ciberactivism. This research offers data on the features that has that interaction in a process of political mobilization. The tool has used one of organization Plaza Podemos subreddit to discover if his expansive use is shown efficacious for the virtual forums of the community political debate. Data have obtained one of 100 published discursive threads in Plaza Podemos between 23 April and 30 September 2015. The platform users use it in essence to be criticized the dissenting opinions that contradict the ideological criterion of a group of community users.

La digitalización y el almacenamiento de las noticias en bases de datos favorece la investigación de grandes lotes de información textual mediante el análisis de contenido asistido por computadora. Varios autores señalan las ventajas de la utilización de este tipo de programas en los estudios de framing. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar la presencia en los medios de comunicación de los encuadres utilizados por los participantes en el debate electoral televisado el 7 de diciembre de 2015 con motivo de las elecciones generales españolas de 2015. En el estudio implementamos un análisis automatizado de contenido con el programa WordStat para extraer los encuadres de los textos analizados, a través de una metodología que combina técnicas cuantitativas y cualitativas. Los resultados del estudio muestran que, pese a producirse un incremento notable en el número de noticias protagonizadas por los candidatos tras el debate, la cobertura en prensa no informa sobre todos los temas abordados en el mismo y presenta a los políticos como si participaran en una carrera de caballos. Digitalization and news storage in database promotes the research of large lots of textual information using content analysis techniques assisted by computer. Several authors point out the advantages of using such programs in studies of framing. The aim of this paper is to analyze the presence in the media of the frames used by participants in the electoral debate televised on December 7, 2015 on the occasion of the Spanish general elections of 2015. In the study we implement an automated analysis content with WordStat software to extract the frames of the texts analyzed, through a methodology that combines quantitative and qualitative techniques. The results of the study show that, in spite of a noticeable increase in the number of news articles carried out by the candidates after the debate, the press coverage does not report on all the topics covered in the study and presents the politicians as if they participated in a horse race.

Political parties' use of social networks to spread their messages allows for citizen engagement and fosters debate among social networks users. In this paper, we analyze said engagement in the comments written by citizens on the Facebook pages of the major Spanish political parties during the 2015 general election campaign. We describe the characteristics of citizen engagement in a political context and determine if there are any differences amongst the comments published on the political parties' pages. We employ a two-phase quantitative methodology. First, we analyze the distribution of the 68,747 citizen comments posted on the profiles of PP, PSOE, Podemos, and Ciudadanos, based on the level of engagement and which party's page they appear on. Second, we perform a computerized content analysis of the comments to identity the most used words, the emotional valence of the messages, and the type of language citizens use to interact with one another. The results indicate that users associated with the new parties engage in such ways that differ from those users associated with the traditional parties. Moreover, interaction among users of these platforms is characterized by disagreement and more negative, offensive language, especially on the Facebook pages of the most ideologically polarized parties.

Economic, social, and health crises have shaken and polarized contemporary politics. An element fueling this polarization is the dissemination of divisive topics on social media platforms. While these polarizing social media tendencies are increasingly studied, research exploring digital political communication in South America remains scarce. This study aims to analyze the electoral campaigns in Brazil, Colombia, Chile, and Peru to define the features that trigger polarized emotional reactions on Facebook. The corpus comprises a sample of 2,930 posts published by candidates and political parties during the first round of the presidential elections held in these countries between 2021 and 2022. We hypothesize that users are more likely to react in a polarized way to content focused on divisive issues. In addition, we examine how these patterns differ across countries and the influence of the level of political polarization. Finally, the role played by party-level characteristics in the emotional reactions of users is also analyzed. By means of quantitative content analysis, these questions are addressed using multilevel negative binomial regressions to identify what predicts Love and Angry reactions. The bandwagon effect seems to work positively on users' moods since the most popular political actors receive significantly more Love reactions, irrespective of the post's subject. In more polarized countries, there is a tendency to react more negatively to certain divisive issues, generating greater visibility of these issues on social networks and thus promoting more polarization. These findings expand knowledge about the dynamics of digital political communication in the Global South.

"This remarkable book is the outcome of an international collaborative endeavour. It clearly shows that social networks have finally become an integral part of European election campaigns. With its careful methodological design, the study impressively demonstrates the particular value of cross-border comparisons and the need for research to take the national context into account." —Christina Holtz-Bacha, Friedrich-Alexander University Erlangen-Nürnberg, Germany "A timely and stimulating book covering recent European Parliament elections in twelve nations. The common methodological background produces sound and comparable results, and its comprehensive language and broad scope of cases make this book a perfect fit for researchers, policymakers and citizens attentive to social media's role in elections." —Karolina Koc-Michalska, Audencia Business School, France This book investigates how political parties from 12 European countries used Facebook to inform, interact with and mobilise voters at the 2019 European Parliament election. Following a joint theoretical framework and method, the results of a content analysis of more than 14,000 Facebook posts are presented. Country specific chapters are followed by analyses of European parties' Facebook campaigning, the spread of populism and the use of Facebook ads by the parties. The final chapter compares all countries showing that campaigns are more strongly shaped by the national than by the European political context. Facebook is used for campaigning as usual; parties inform and persuade but neglect the platform's mobilisation and particularly interactive affordances. Jörg Haßler is Head of the junior research group "Digital Democratic Mobilization in Hybrid Media Systems" at LMU Munich, Germany. Melanie Magin is Associate Professor at the Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU), Trondheim, Norway. Uta Russmann is Professor at the FHWien der WKW University of Applied Sciences of Management & Communication, Austria. Vicente Fenoll is Associate Professor at the University of Valencia, Spain.

ional tradic media have adopted Twitter by another channel by which to disseminate their information and reach out to digit audiences. The purpose of this study is to analyse the characteristics of the tweets published by the Spanish tours for 12 months during which two electoral processes take place, in order to verify the differences in the use of this platform according to the content of the coverage and the stage in which it is published. The research is based on a native-based methodology, implementing an analysis of the computational content of Twitter publications by the two types of media between 2015 and 2016. The results reveal one or more promotional tools such as hashtag or media mentions with fewer followers. Political information is also characterised by the fact that it contains a larger number of candidates' statements and statements, occasionally during the election campaign, encouraging the emergence of echo chambers in the political sphere on Twitter. Traditional media sources have adopted Twitter as a channel to broadcast information across digital audits. This study has been the objective of analogue the characteristics of the tweets published by Spanish media sources during the twelve months in which Presidential electoral processes took place. This was done to test the differences in the use of this platform, according to the content of the coverage, and the phase in which it was published. Our research uses a quantitative methodology, where we used Computerised content analysis for Twitter publications that different average made during 2015 and 2016. Our results revealed a promotional use of tools such as the hashtag, or lies in media with less folders. At the same time, political information was chartered by holding a stronger use of lies and statements by the candidate, especially during the election campaigning, favoring the creation of echo chambers in the political Twittersphere. ; Los medios de comunicación tradic ionales han adoptado Twitter c omo otro canal por el que difundir su ...

Traditional media sources have adopted Twitter as a canal to broadcast information across digital audiences. This study has the objective of analyzing the characteristics of the tweets published by Spanish media sources during the twelve months in which presidential electoral processes took place. This was done to test the differences in the use of this platform, according to the content of the coverage, and the phase in which it was published. Our research uses a quantitative methodology, where we used computerized content analysis for Twitter publications that different media made during 2015 and 2016. Our results revealed a promotional use of tools such as the hashtag, or mentions in media with less followers. At the same time, political information was characterized by containing a higher use of mentions and statements by the candidates, especially during the election campaigning, favoring the creation of echo chambers in the political Twittersphere. ; Los medios de comunicación tradicionales han adoptado Twitter como otro canal por el que difundir su información y llegar hasta las audiencias digitales. Este estudio tiene como objetivo analizar las características de los tuits publicados por los medios españoles durante doce meses en los que se producen dos procesos electorales, para comprobar las diferencias en la utilización de esta plataforma según el contenido de la cobertura y la fase en que se publica. La investigación se fundamenta en una metodología cuantitativa, en la que se implementa un análisis de contenido computarizado de las publicaciones en Twitter que hacen los distintos tipos de medios entre 2015 y 2016. Los resultados revelan un uso promocional de herramientas como el hashtag o las menciones en los medios con menos seguidores. Asimismo, la información política se caracteriza por contener mayor número de menciones y declaraciones de candidatos, especialmente durante la campaña electoral, favoreciendo la aparición de cámaras de eco en la esfera política en Twitter.

Los medios de comunicación tradic ionales han adoptado Twitter c omo otro canal por el que difundir su información y llegar hasta las audiencias digit ales. Este estudio tiene como objetivo analizar las características de los tuits publicados por los me dios españoles durante doce meses en los que se producen dos procesos electorales, para comprobar las di ferencias en la utilización de esta plataforma según el contenido de la cobertura y la fase en que se publica. La investigación se fundamenta en una metodología cua ntitativa, en la que se implem enta un análisis de contenido computarizado de las publicacione s en Twitter que hacen los dis tintos tipos de medios entre 2015 y 2016. Los resultados revelan un us o promocional de herramientas como el hashtag o las menciones en los medios con menos seguidores. Asimismo, la información polít ica se caracteriza por contener un mayor número de menciones y declaraciones de candidatos, especi almente durante la campaña electoral, favoreciendo la aparición de cámaras de eco en la es fera política en Twitter. Traditional media sources have adopted Twitter as a canal to broadcast information across digital audiences. This study has the objective of analyzing the characteristics of the tweets published by Spanish media sources during the twelve months in which presidential electoral processes took place. This was done to test the differences in the use of this platform, according to the content of the coverage, and the phase in which it was published. Our research uses a quantitative methodology, where we used computerized content analysis for Twitter publications that different media made during 2015 and 2016. Our results revealed a promotional use of tools such as the hashtag, or mentions in media with less followers. At the same time, political information was characterized by containing a higher use of mentions and statements by the candidates, especially during the election campaigning, favoring the creation of echo chambers in the political Twittersphere.

In recent years, Brazil, as the world's fourth-largest democracy, witnessed the dominance of polarized and symbolically charged electoral campaigns on social media, culminating in the election of a populist political figure in 2018 and his subsequent defeat in 2022. Extensive research has indicated that political campaigns often sidelined substantive policy proposals in favor of negative and divisive issues. However, a critical gap remains in the absence of temporal investigations contrasting the prevalence of negativity and acclaim campaigns on social media platforms during elections. This study addresses this gap by examining associations between political issues and negative and acclaim campaigns across two Brazilian electoral campaigns. Drawing upon a sample of messages posted on Twitter (n = 1,191) during the presidential elections of 2018 and 2022, our study reveals associations between substantive political issues, such as education and health, and acclaim campaign strategies, while the divisive issues of Covid-19 and corruption are associated with negative campaign strategies. Moreover, the results suggest that gender policy is related to both acclaim and negative messages since it is a polarizing issue in Brazilian politics. Our study also shows an increased negativity trend, with the 2022 presidential election campaign more likely to be negative than in 2018. By conducting a temporal analysis of Brazil's political context, our study sheds light on the evolving dynamics of political communication in the age of social media, contributing substantially to the literature on negativity in political campaigns.