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Lithuanian Christian democrats had a very clear understanding of the situation of Polish national minority in Lithuanian in 1930s. First of all we must mention the main problems that had made the context for publications. The first one was elections to municipal councils and parliament. Despite negative ideological evaluation of Polish minority (the attitude toward Polish minority was based on primordial conception), their political rights were emphasized as very important for democracy in Lithuania. The second problem was the ultimatum of Poland to Lithuania. In this context national minority was shown as a hostage of politicians. This means that such critical situation has not made negative influence on the image of Polish minority. The last but not the least problem was the return of Vilnius region to Lithuania. Christian democrats gave us a strange conception that they have evaluated situations as the final salvation of the problems between Poles and Lithuanians. Keeping in mind the fact of occupation of Poland, such statement was very strange.

Lithuanian Christian democrats had a very clear understanding of the situation of Polish national minority in Lithuanian in 1930s. First of all we must mention the main problems that had made the context for publications. The first one was elections to municipal councils and parliament. Despite negative ideological evaluation of Polish minority (the attitude toward Polish minority was based on primordial conception), their political rights were emphasized as very important for democracy in Lithuania. The second problem was the ultimatum of Poland to Lithuania. In this context national minority was shown as a hostage of politicians. This means that such critical situation has not made negative influence on the image of Polish minority. The last but not the least problem was the return of Vilnius region to Lithuania. Christian democrats gave us a strange conception that they have evaluated situations as the final salvation of the problems between Poles and Lithuanians. Keeping in mind the fact of occupation of Poland, such statement was very strange.

Lithuanian Christian democrats had a very clear understanding of the situation of Polish national minority in Lithuanian in 1930s. First of all we must mention the main problems that had made the context for publications. The first one was elections to municipal councils and parliament. Despite negative ideological evaluation of Polish minority (the attitude toward Polish minority was based on primordial conception), their political rights were emphasized as very important for democracy in Lithuania. The second problem was the ultimatum of Poland to Lithuania. In this context national minority was shown as a hostage of politicians. This means that such critical situation has not made negative influence on the image of Polish minority. The last but not the least problem was the return of Vilnius region to Lithuania. Christian democrats gave us a strange conception that they have evaluated situations as the final salvation of the problems between Poles and Lithuanians. Keeping in mind the fact of occupation of Poland, such statement was very strange.

The "Lithuanian Tautininkai" (Nationalists) was a strong political party in Lithuania in the 1930s. It was a "pro patria" party with a strong nationalistic ideology and vision of Lithuania as the national state of the Lithuanian people. After the coup in 1926, they became the ruling party and their leader Antanas Smetona became the President of Lithuania. In the 1930s the Tautininkai had their own attitude toward the national state of Lithuania that could not be realized without the support of the Lithuanian people. Trying to achieve this goal, the Tautininkai had to propagate their ideas among Lithuanians very actively. The official governmental press, such as "Lietuvos aidas" (Lithuanian echo), "Jaunoji karta" (Young generation), and "Tėvų žemė" (Land of fathers) had to do this. These newspapers reflected the attitude toward the national state and the role of different social and national groups in the political, social, economical or cultural life. The Tautininkai press also used some propagandistic instruments and linguistic constructions that were intended to improve the social effect of the official propaganda.

The "Lithuanian Tautininkai" (Nationalists) was a strong political party in Lithuania in the 1930s. It was a "pro patria" party with a strong nationalistic ideology and vision of Lithuania as the national state of the Lithuanian people. After the coup in 1926, they became the ruling party and their leader Antanas Smetona became the President of Lithuania. In the 1930s the Tautininkai had their own attitude toward the national state of Lithuania that could not be realized without the support of the Lithuanian people. Trying to achieve this goal, the Tautininkai had to propagate their ideas among Lithuanians very actively. The official governmental press, such as "Lietuvos aidas" (Lithuanian echo), "Jaunoji karta" (Young generation), and "Tėvų žemė" (Land of fathers) had to do this. These newspapers reflected the attitude toward the national state and the role of different social and national groups in the political, social, economical or cultural life. The Tautininkai press also used some propagandistic instruments and linguistic constructions that were intended to improve the social effect of the official propaganda.

The "Lithuanian Tautininkai" (Nationalists) was a strong political party in Lithuania in the 1930s. It was a "pro patria" party with a strong nationalistic ideology and vision of Lithuania as the national state of the Lithuanian people. After the coup in 1926, they became the ruling party and their leader Antanas Smetona became the President of Lithuania. In the 1930s the Tautininkai had their own attitude toward the national state of Lithuania that could not be realized without the support of the Lithuanian people. Trying to achieve this goal, the Tautininkai had to propagate their ideas among Lithuanians very actively. The official governmental press, such as "Lietuvos aidas" (Lithuanian echo), "Jaunoji karta" (Young generation), and "Tėvų žemė" (Land of fathers) had to do this. These newspapers reflected the attitude toward the national state and the role of different social and national groups in the political, social, economical or cultural life. The Tautininkai press also used some propagandistic instruments and linguistic constructions that were intended to improve the social effect of the official propaganda.

XX amžiuje nepriklausomybę iškovojusi lietuvių tauta susidūrė su istorine tautinių mažumų nacionalinės integracijos problema. Iki 1926 m. perversmo šios problemos sprendimo strategija grįsta 1922 m. Konstitucijoje apibrėžta Lietuvos Tautos kategorija. Perversmo būdu ketvirtajame dešimtmetyje įsitvirtinę tautininkai kūrė savo strategiją. Jos taikymas smarkiai palietė gausiausią Lietuvos tautinę mažumą - žydus. Tautininkai, besivadovaudami etninio nacionalizmo bei pilietiškumo (paneigiančío Lietuvos Tautos sąvoką) sampratomis, nubrėžė kultūrinio šios mažumos tautinės tapatybės raiškos ribas. Esminis kriterijus - žydų mažumos kultūrinio lojalumo idėja. Ši mažuma buvo padalyta į savus ir svetimus, o tai ketvirtojo dešimtmečio Lietuvoje ženklina galutinį visuotinės lygybės principo atsisakymą bei komunitarinių tendencijų stiprėjimą. Šių tendencijų įsigalėjimas ir sudarė esmines kultūrinės žydų tapatybės charakteristikų motyvacijas.

This article is dedicated to the problem of nationality in the works of Lithuanian philosopher Stasys Šalkauskis. Philosopher was strongly influenced by political changes of that period of time. He was living and working during the time of democracy (till coupe d'eta in 1926), so his concept was more democratic then the concepts of other philosophers who were writhing in the four decade. But generally we can say, that the attitude of there Lithuanian philosophers to the problems of nationality, that consists such parts as the patriotism, national minorities, language, historical conciseness, nationalism, is very close to premordialistic conception, that in national identity emphasises just natural features that man got in the moment of birth. On another hand, Šalkauskis unlike premordialists but more like transformists try to define the evolution of the Lithuanian ethnos. The final part of this evolution is transformation from ethno structure to nation. So, we can detect here three main components that reflect three main tendencies in the theory of nationalism (primordialism, evolutionism and constructivism) in the national theory of Šalkauskis: 1. Emphasis of national nature as a 'given'; 2. Existence of national evolution and transformation; 3. Formation of modern ethnos to nation, as the most important condition of execution of national vocation, that would lead to a new level of identity. At the end we can say that the Šalkauskis' concept of nationality sintesize this entire three components ant that guarantee the originalities of the Lithuanian philosophers works.

This article is dedicated to the problem of nationality in the works of Lithuanian philosopher Stasys Šalkauskis. Philosopher was strongly influenced by political changes of that period of time. He was living and working during the time of democracy (till coupe d'eta in 1926), so his concept was more democratic then the concepts of other philosophers who were writhing in the four decade. But generally we can say, that the attitude of there Lithuanian philosophers to the problems of nationality, that consists such parts as the patriotism, national minorities, language, historical conciseness, nationalism, is very close to premordialistic conception, that in national identity emphasises just natural features that man got in the moment of birth. On another hand, Šalkauskis unlike premordialists but more like transformists try to define the evolution of the Lithuanian ethnos. The final part of this evolution is transformation from ethno structure to nation. So, we can detect here three main components that reflect three main tendencies in the theory of nationalism (primordialism, evolutionism and constructivism) in the national theory of Šalkauskis: 1. Emphasis of national nature as a 'given'; 2. Existence of national evolution and transformation; 3. Formation of modern ethnos to nation, as the most important condition of execution of national vocation, that would lead to a new level of identity. At the end we can say that the Šalkauskis' concept of nationality sintesize this entire three components ant that guarantee the originalities of the Lithuanian philosophers works. ; Stasys Šalkauskis (1886-1941) buvo vienas iškiliausių Lietuvos tarpukario filosofų. Be jo, anot B.Genzelio, "sunkiai suvokiamas XX amžiaus pirmosios pusės Lietuvos intelektualusis gyvenimas". Nepaisant šito, jam skirtą istoriografiją vargu ar galėtume pavadinti plačia. Visų pirma minėtinas išeivijos autorius J.Eretas, pateikęs tiek St.Šalkauskio biografiją, tiek idėjas. Iš vėlesnių autorių, rašiusių apie St.Šalkauskį, minėtinas A.Sverdiolas, kuris atliko išsamią ir bene rimčiausią St.Šalkauskio pažiūrų analizę. Joje nemažai vietos jis skyrė St.Šalkauskio ir Antano Maceinos pažiūrų lyginimui. Prieš pat atgimimą J.Girnius (Amerikoje) išleido St.Šalkauskio raštus, kuriuos įvade pats ir aptarė. 1990-aisiais metais Romoje išėjo atskira šio autoriaus knygelė, skirta lietuvių filosofo moksliniam palikimui. St.Šalkauskio raštų leidimo tradiciją (tiek išeivijoje, tiek Lietuvoje išleisti filosofo tekstai nesidubliavo) jau nepriklausomoje Lietuvoje (1990 m.) tęsė Giedrė Baltrėnienė-Kadžiulytė, pirmojo tomo įvade aprašiusi St.Šalkauskio kūrybinį palikimą. R.Paulauskas ir O.Tijūnėlienė tyrinėjo St.Šalkauskio filosofinę pedagogiką. Lietuvių filosofo estetinę teoriją, lygindamas ją su V.Sezemano teorija, nagrinėja B.Genzelis savo "Lietuvos filosofijos istorijos bruožuose". Taip pat minėtinas šio autoriaus apžvalginio pobūdžio straipsnis Lenkijoje "Filosofija zycia Szalkauskisa". Tačiau trumpai apžvelgus St.Šalkauskiui skirtą istoriografiją tenka konstatuoti, jog jo pažiūros į tautines mažumas ligi šiol nesusilaukė deramo dėmesio. Šis straipsnis ir pabandys užpildyti šią nemenką St.Šalkauskio kūrybos tyrinėjimų spragą. Pažymėtina, jog St.Šalkauskio tautiškumo koncepcija nebuvo unikali Europos idėjiniame lauke, nes tiek Lietuvoje, tiek ir likusioje Centrinėje bei Rytų Europoje vykę modernių tautų formavimosi procesai savo pobūdžiu buvo artimi. Tuo mes galėsime įsitikinti palyginę St.Šalkauskio požiūrį su Vakarų nacionalizmo teoretikų požiūriu. Tai - A.D.Smithas, E.Gellneris, B.Andersonas, K.W.Deutschas ir kiti. Taigi svarbiausias šio straipsnio tikslas yra išsiaiškinti, kuriai iš čia minimų autorių koncepcijų yra artimiausios tarpukario Lietuvos filosofo pažiūros. Kitaip tariant, čia bus pabandyta atlikti istorinės St.Šalkauskio pažiūros į tautiškumą rekonstrukciją, pasitelkiant modernias nacionalizmo teorijas. Šio bendro tikslo bus siekiama atliekant mažesnius uždavinius, kaip antai: St.Šalkauskio žmogaus ir tautinės individualybės, patriotizmo, nacionalizmo problemos suvokimo analizė. Jos metu bus pasiremta analitiniu-komparatyvistiniu metodu, kurio teikiamos loginės galimybės įgalina mus visapusiškai įsigilinti ir objektyviai suprasti esamos šaltinių medžiagos turinį.

ABSTRACT
This article examines the genesis of a new Lithuanian political unit, the Drasos kelias party, which was created in 2012 and successfully participated in the 2012 Lithuanian parliamentary elections, reconstructing it in three stages based on the analysis of news portals. Reconstruction of the first stage is based on the competing "conspiracy versions" (two different interpretations of the unsolved criminal story in the news media) in 2009- 2010. Two archetypal characters (criminal and/or hero) were sought in the interpretation of the two aforementioned versions. Agenda setting and media framing theories were used as explanatory theories. The second stage (2011-2012) is reconstructed through further analysis of the news portals as well as through the analysis of some additional research from the interviews and focus group discussions. This data allowed us to retrace the logic of collective thinking. This logic of collective thinking contributed to the formation of a continuous "single issue" protest community which was united by the slogan "do not hand the child to a paedophilia clan". This group of people constantly hindered the governmental institutions from the implementation of the court decision to hand the child to her mother, and over a long period of time its protest arguments expanded from "not handing the child to her mother" to protests against the entire Lithuanian legal system. Further, the third stage associated with formal institutionalization of political party and its rising of popularity among the voters in the 2012 Lithuanian parliamentary elections is analyzed. The analysis stresses the importance of social and personal networks for the regional dispersion of party election results.