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This article deals with the inclusion of civil society organizations (CSOs) in the decision-making processes in Post-Soeharto era in Indonesia. It argues that reformasi has created and multiplied the democratic space in both the national and local arena. It has not just enlarged the number of CSOs significantly, but also changed the nature of CSOs and has opened the boundary in relations to parliament. This development has confirmed the emerging of the new political space which is more democratic in nature, as witnessed by the present of Gaventa's political space model - "claimed space" as opposed to undemocratic "closed spaces" or "limited space" during the New Order. This paper identifies the presence of a set spaces which is determining the whole course of decision-making processes. This research found the nature of a space, of being either "claimed", "invited" or "closed", is not only determined by who creates the space and able to make use of it within the given boundaries, but also by its relations to other set of spaces, issues in concern, time and infrastructure set up around the spaces.

This article attempts to map out the current situation of democracy in Indonesia, especially at local levels. This map is based on a simple question: the extent to which 10 years of the democratization process in Indonesia has led the country closer towards effective democratic governance. It concludes that an effective democratic government is far from being realized. Moreover, this article shows a paradox in the development of local politics in Indonesia, on the one hand there has been political liberalization which is assumed as a prerequisite for the realization of democratic governance, but on the other hand, the development of local democracy in Indonesia seemed to stop at its infancy stage. The reasons behind this failure are vary, but in principle related to the symptoms that some scientists called as a "broken linkage" a syndrome in which the forces of modern intermediary fails to perform its functions in linking demos with public affairs.

Violence is a political and sociological phenomena. It occurs either horizontally and vertically in many dimensions and characteristics. For years Indonesia has experienced various cases related to violence. Certain kind of violence, such as religion based violence, occurs more frequently and involving state and political interests. This paper discusses about the religion based violence phenomena and shows that religion is often used to justify the action and political interest of certain groups in Indonesia.

Environmental issues have been central in the current global potitics and discourse. Furthermore, environment has been set as one of the most important global constitution. Environmental issues have created a complex political network across the world. In Indonesia, howaver, environmental issues have not been seen as central in policy making processes. This paper shows how in most of policy making processes environmental issues end up merely with documents and rhetoric rather than political actions. This paper also argues that 'politics' should be used to deal with paradox in managing environment: gaining benefit and minimizing risk.

This article asses the implication of direct local executive election ('Pilkada Langsung') toward deepining democracy in Indonesia. Based on rapid appraisal study on the first wave of 'Pilkada Langsung' in Indonesia during 2005, this paper argues that the free, fair and non violence process in the series of 'Pilkada Langsung' to some extent indicates a maturity in Indonesian democraacy. The weakness on regulations and lack of managerial skills of local electoral commissions are still major obstacle that prevent further development of democracy. Furthermore,this paper suggests that 'Pikada Langsung' should be placed not only in procedura; processes but to promote democracy in a more substantive way and as a strategy to develop effective local governance

Current issues and challenges have placed nationalism into a dificult position. This leads to the dichotomy oftribalism and globalism or between fragmentation and integration. In Indonesia, the difficult position of nationalism may result from the view that nationalism is equal to a political stream, is interpreted internally, is applied to various interests and means anti-foreign investment. This arcticle discusses the requirements to use civil administration and self-conscious patriotism for understanding nationalism.

Artikel ini menyoroti paket rancangan UU politik baru yang disusun oleh Tim-7 yang dibentuk pemerintah sesaat sebelum kejatuhan Soeharto. Kesimpulan umum yang bisa dibenkan adalah, bahwa RUUpoliak baru ini sangat radikal dalam substansi dan kapasitas untuk menfasilitasi proses demokratisasi di Indonesia. Sekalipun demikian, kenga RUU yang ada masih dihantui oleh sejumlah ambivalensi sikap sebagai akthat dan tekanan kepentingan politik tentara, pengandaian yang keliru tentang tentara dan analisis yang dihantai trauma masa lalu tentang potensi disintegrasi nasional clan instabilitas politik yang diandaikan secara keliru bersumberpada kehadiran partai kecil dan partai partai berbasis lokal.

A critical analysis of how the New Order state has established its power basis and how the power has been utilised and abused leads us to conclude that anarchy is a rational response to the state's actions. Democracy, as a non-violent scheme of conflict management, is hampered by the formation of consolidated anarchy. Democratization leaves us with an agenda for mollifying violent.

Pada saat pernbentukannya, Komnas HAM dipandang tidak berbeda dengan lembaga korparads negara Iainnya, yakni menjadi agen pemerintah untuk para anggotanya. khususnya para aktivis HAM dan meted tuntutan penegakkan HAM di Indonesia yang saat itu terus menguat. Melalui tulisan ini ditunjukkan bahwa Komnas HAM mampu mandiri dari penetrasi pernerintah, dan bersikap kritis terhadap pernerintah dalam kasus politik yang sangat senskif sekalipun. Sumbangan energi untuk membangun kemandirian tersebut terutama terletak pada komitmen dan kredibilitas individu anggota Komnas HAM, variasi keahlian dan akses, serta kemampuan untuk mengembangkan etika organisasi yang kondusif bagi pelaksanaan togas penegakkan HAM Namun demikian, penulis berargumentasi bahwa demi menjaga komitmen dan kemandinan lembaga, Komnas HAM menghadapi beberapa permasalahan serius yang harus segera ditangani. Pertama, menyangkut status hukum lembaga itu. Kedua, menyangkut sumber energi yang selama ini masih menekankan pada kapasitas individual Ketiga, menyangkut perlunya pengembangan mekanisme rekrutmen anggota baru yang lebih terbuka di mana opini publik Baru terhambat

This article analyses how and to what extent state regulation of civil society organisations (CSOs) have resulted in elitisation, i.e., the process of obtaining elite status within and beyond civil society. This is studied in the context of emerging democracy in Indonesia and shrinking civic space in Cambodia. Combining Bourdieu's concepts of field and elite with strategic action fields, the article uses data from interviews with civil society leaders. It finds different patterns. In Indonesia, elitisation occurs through a process of CSO formalisation and bureaucratisation, with elites gaining legitimacy owing to their formal offices. As a result, competition for formal positions intensifies: This is particularly notable among national CSO leaders, who may shift their activities to the grassroots level to seek further empowerment and other capitals to legitimise their elite status, facilitate the rise of leaders in existing fields, and create pluralistic forms of elites. Regulations have also resulted in the marginalisation of non-formal elites and shifted the locus of legitimacy from activism to formalism. Meanwhile, in Cambodia, regulatory formalisation and bureaucratisation has not only reduced the space for elite competition and level of competitiveness, but also created 'most dominant actors' or 'hyper-elites' who are loyal to and support the regime and its priorities while punishing those who do not. This has resulted in a monolithic form of elites.

This article analyses how and to what extent state regulation of civil society organisations (CSOs) have resulted in elitisation, i.e., the process of obtaining elite status within and beyond civil society. This is studied in the context of emerging democracy in Indonesia and shrinking civic space in Cambodia. Combining Bourdieu's concepts of field and elite with strategic action fields, the article uses data from interviews with civil society leaders. It finds different patterns. In Indonesia, elitisation occurs through a process of CSO formalisation and bureaucratisation, with elites gaining legitimacy owing to their formal offices. As a result, competition for formal positions intensifies: This is particularly notable among national CSO leaders, who may shift their activities to the grassroots level to seek further empowerment and other capitals to legitimise their elite status, facilitate the rise of leaders in existing fields, and create pluralistic forms of elites. Regulations have also resulted in the marginalisation of non-formal elites and shifted the locus of legitimacy from activism to formalism. Meanwhile, in Cambodia, regulatory formalisation and bureaucratisation has not only reduced the space for elite competition and level of competitiveness, but also created 'most dominant actors' or 'hyper-elites' who are loyal to and support the regime and its priorities while punishing those who do not. This has resulted in a monolithic form of elites.

This paper discusses democratisation practiced in Surakarta, Indonesia, which has been claimed by many experts as a municipality with "best practices" of democratic local governance in Indonesia. Their analyses focus on the actors and claim that participation is a possible way of crafting stable democracy. This participation in turn, they suggest, is a result of decentralisation which thus strengthen local democracy. Presenting the civil society participation and the decentralisation in the city of Surakarta, this paper shows that what actually happens is otherwise. It argues that the rise of popular participation was rooted in contentious local politics. Besides, the constitution of the new forms of popular representation are not supported by, and produced within, a clear ideological framework from the people in Surakarta.

Significant development colors the scope of study of politic and government. This ranges from the dynamic of government institutions and the formal government institutions to wider aspects of state, society and market including the relationships of these aspects. The following discusses the dorninant discourse of governance in political science and particularly in the study of government.