Search results

Der er sagt mange skarpe ord om danskerne i udenlandske medier. Die Woche i Tyskland henviste til titlen på en nazistisk kampsang, når det skrev om en dansk "Die Fahne Hoch"-mentalitet og i The Guardian i London hed det, at i forhold til højrefløjens fremmarch i Danmark virkede nazismens fremmarch i Tyskland sløv. Dagsavisen i Oslo bragte i november 2001 et foto fra København af en nynazist med strakt arm, med henvisning til at den danske valgkamp var præget af fremmedhad. Er danskerne fremmedfjendske? følger den udenlandske omtale af den danske debat om indvandringen tilbage til 2000, og det giver en vigtig pointe: Billedet af Danmark som fremmedfjendsk var udbredt længe før regeringsskiftet. Udenlandske medier citerer igen og igen forslag til stramninger i udlændingepolitikken, og henvisning til "Die Fahne Hoch"-mentaliteten er fra februar 2000. Derimod tav man med, at Danmark - sammen med Norge - havde rekord i tildeling af asyl og gav højere sociale ydelser til indvandrere end næsten alle andre lande. Allerede da berettede man om det, der passede med en skabelon om danskerne som fremmedfjendske, og udelod det, der talte imod.Samtidig sammenligner bogen debatten i Danmark med debatten i nabolandene. Der er klart mere sordin på i Sverige og Tyskland. Dermed kan den danske debat forekomme barsk for svenskere og tyskere. Derimod er det svært at se en større forskel mellem debatten i Danmark og debatten i Norge.Endelig viser bogen, at internationale holdningsundersøgelser slet ikke tyder på, at danskerne skulle være specielt fremmedfjendske. Vi stiller skrappe krav om, at indvandrere skal tilpasse sig landets normer, men modsat er vi også det folk i EU, der stærkest ønsker at inddrage indvandrerne i det politiske liv. Hvad man fremhæver, afhænger af, hvilken skabelon man bruger

The article analyzes the Danish national election in March 1998. Jdged from the aggregate figures, Denmark has stabilized. Net volatility was moderate, 'bloc' volatility was close to zero, and despite forecasts of a non‐socialist victory, the Social Democratic‐led government managed to continue. Further, in the 1990s, the periods between elections have been close to the maximum four years. Therefore, the old picture from the 1970s of Danish politics as highly unstable and as extremely volatile is now outdated. Quite the contrary at the level of individual voters. Close to a third shifted from one party to another, and even among voters who did not shift, a substantial proportion had considered voting for another party. Individual voter mobility seems to be a result of weak voter differentiation between different parties, and not a result of protest and outspoken dissatisfaction. Whatever the explanation, individual volatility is an omen of possible future instability: There is no guarantee that different voter movements will always balance out.

Abstract. The paper examines public opinion about the political involvement of trade unions in the UK and Denmark. Both are systems in which trade unions are linked to a political party and both have high rates of union density. However, whereas British unions have contested governments of both parties and opposed regulation of industrial relations, Danish unions have a tradition of cooperation with government and are entangled in a web of institutionalized industrial relations. Results, however, are amazingly similar. Both the public at large and union members accept unions in general and also their political involvement, but oppose contestation of political authority. Irrespective of union behaviour, beliefs in the supremacy of parliament seems to be firmly rooted in public opinion.

Scandinavian countries are characterized by high electoral participation and high enrollment in interest organizations. Consequently, most citizens are represented in politics by both parties and organizations, and the problem is which kind of representation citizens prefer. Danish survey data show that members appreciate their interest organizations. Furthermore, the public wants government to stay out of industrial relations and to consult interest organizations. However, there are limits to the influence which the public permits organizations. Thus organizations should only have a say on policies in fields related to their narrowly defined interest and they should not be allowed to become too strong. The political problem is to balance the principle of parliamentary supremacy and the principle of taking due regard to all interests concerned.

Much analysis has pointed to the impact of interest organisations on policy‐making. This paper focuses on the importance of interest organisations at the mass level. The sympathies of citizens for parties and interest organisations are compared, and it is shown (a) that organisations more often than parties are 'neutral objects'; for the citizens and (b) that most citizens — even members of the organisations — rate parties higher than they do interest organisations. Finally, it is shown that organisational membership only has a small impact on political views in a policy field (labour market relations), which should be highly relevant for the organisations. In sum, interest organisations have hardly at the mass level replaced parties as main objects of affection and orientation.

ABSTRACTThe paper starts out from descriptions of Danish voters as protest voters, and the main problem is whether 'protest' as measured by distrust towards the national politicians is an indicator of a general negative attitude towards politics. A main distinction is made between distrust and lack of efficacy, and a second between national and local politics. It is found that there is hardly any lack of efficacy among the voters, and, further, that local politics is evaluated more positively than national politics. Hence distrust of national politicians is not synonymous with a general rejection of politics. Further, the more positive evaluation of local politics seems to be an expression of a 'size factor' producing not only a difference between state and local government but also between small and large municipalities.