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This book explores the mechanisms and elements of populism to develop new theoretical and methodological approaches. Much as populism has been researched, it remains a contested notion without coherent definition and methodology and shaped by dimensions such as ideology, communication style, discourse, mobilization, and organization. It has simultaneously mobilized emotions, produced symbols, affected subjectivity and gender relations, and can manifest itself in different ways and appear in hybrid forms, such as in the cases of Silvio Berlusconi, Hugo Chávez, and Donald Trump. International expert contributors explore how such a variety of phenomena can be explained and analyzed, expanding the scope of populism research by proposing a multidimensional and complex understanding of populism. They argue for a greater epistemological differentiation and propose a methodology that integrates different fields of politics. This complex approach makes it possible to analyze populism as a multifaceted phenomenon and to understand how populisms affect politics and society. Aimed at postgraduates and researchers in populism as well as scholars in political science and sociology, media, communication, cultural, gender, and global studies, the volume also contributes to a better understanding of manifestations of right-wing and authoritarian populism in the twenty-first century.

Inspired by the autonomy of migration approach, we analyse borders as sites of control and violence but also as migrant praxis, as strategies of escape and rupture. We explore the idea of "bodily borders", emphasizing that borders shape subjects on the move and are themselves shaped by the embodied experiences of border-crossers. Drawing on Foucault's concept of governmentality and Malabou's analysis of the concept of plasticity, we argue that migrations are governed through "plastic borders" that are formed as direct responses to migrant mobilities, using the empirical example of the externalization of borders as an EU policy of migration management. ; Avtorica na podlagi avtonomije migracij meje analizira kot mesta nadzora in nasiljater hkrati kot migrantski praxis, kot strategije bega in ruptur. Pojasnjuje idejo o »utelešenih mejah«, da bi pokazala, kako meje na poti oblikujejo ljudi in so obenem same oblikovane prek utelešenih izkušenj tistih, ki meje prestopajo. Z uporabo Foucaultovega koncepta 'vladnosti' (gouvernementalité) in koncepta 'plastičnosti' (plasticity), kot ga analizira Malabou, postavi tezo, da današnje upravljanje migracij uporablja mehanizem »plastičnih meja«, ki so oblikovane kot neposredni odziv na mobilnost migrantov, kar pokaže tudi na empiričnem primeru eksternalizacije meje kot evropske politike upravljanja z migracijami.

Avtorica v članku izhaja iz teze, da metaprocesi medijatizacije medijsko delovanje definirajo do mere, ko se »medijska logika« prilagodi politični agendi. Tezo preverja s kvalitativno analizo novinarskih komentarjev o evropski migracijski politiki, objavljenih v časopisu Delo (avgust–December 2015). Analiza pokaže, da je najbolj razpoznavna značilnost novinarskih komentarjev, da v problematiziranju evropske migracijske politike kot rešitev predlagajo iste migracijske politike (kvotni sistem, schengenski sistem, bilateralne dogovore med državami idr.). Ugotavlja, da se migracijske politike legitimizirajo s pomočjo komentatorstva, ki izpušča refleksijo nevladnih virov in se v veliki meri utemeljuje na evrocentričnem zamišljanju Evrope.

This article discusses migrants' experiences of European migration-labour. It shows how precariousness is materialized in migrants' work and lives. I show how the subordination of migrants to the demands of the (global) market shapes the work of 'third country migrants' as precarious in European economies. Specific migration policies as well as labour processes and their regulation construct migrants as 'wasted precariat', in line with Bauman's (2004) notion of 'wasted humans'. This process occurs at the intersection of migrant workers' immigration status, the governance of immigration and labour relations as well as features of the industries that employ migrant workers.

This article discusses migrants' experiences of European migration-labour. It shows how precariousness is materialized in migrants' work and lives. I show how the subordination of migrants to the demands of the (global) market shapes the work of "third country migrants" as precarious in European economies. Specific migration policies as well as labour processes and their regulation construct migrants as "wasted precariat", in line with Bauman's (2004) notion of "wasted humans". This process occurs at the intersection of migrant workers' immigration status, the governance of immigration and labour relations as well as features of the industries that employ migrant workers.

The paper deals with contemporary mass media dependence on politics and capital and attempts to discern what, if anything, is still public about mass media in general, and public broadcasting in particular. A consideration of the public as a phenomenon of individual aspirations is central to this discussion, seeing as it will help shed light on public broadcasting's (in)ability to encompass the public's activity, particularly when addressing the public in its transnational appearances. The paper makes use of public broadcasting in Slovenia as a model through which it examines public broadcasting as a framework for the economic and political interests of the nation-state. The paper proceeds to thematize lack of potential of public broadcasting to address the dispersed public that is emerging transnationally, outside of fixed ideas of identity and national affiliations. The argument is presented as for why contemporary discussions of the potentials of the public in its relation to the media should consider the practices of the public not only in the sphere of mass media, but also beyond and, to a certain extent, in contrast to mass media – through examples of attempts to reactivate the public in the potentials of "public-generated media".

The paper deals with contemporary mass media dependence on politics and capital and attempts to discern what, if anything, is still public about mass media in general, and public broadcasting in particular. A consideration of the public as a phenomenon of individual aspirations is central to this discussion, seeing as it will help shed light on public broadcasting's (in)ability to encompass the public's activity, particularly when addressing the public in its transnational appearances. The paper makes use of public broadcasting in Slovenia as a model through which it examines public broadcasting as a framework for the economic and political interests of the nation-state. The paper proceeds to thematize lack of potential of public broadcasting to address the dispersed public that is emerging transnationally, outside of fixed ideas of identity and national affiliations. The argument is presented as for why contemporary discussions of the potentials of the public in its relation to the media should consider the practices of the public not only in the sphere of mass media, but also beyond and, to a certain extent, in contrast to mass media – through examples of attempts to reactivate the public in the potentials of "public-generated media". ; Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama šiuolaikinės žiniasklaidos priklausomybė nuo politikos ir kapitalo, siekiama išsiaiškinti, ar ir kiek žiniasklaida plačiąja prasme ir, konkrečiai, visuomeninis transliuo­tojas yra vieši. Pagrindinis tyrimo dalykas – individualių siekių ir viešumo santykis. Drauge aiškinamasi, ar ir kaip visa tai padeda nušviesti viešojo transliuotojo gebėjimą arba negebėjimą sužadinti visuomeninį aktyvumą, ypač tada, kai kalbama apie platesnes už nacionalines transliavimo formas. Straipsnyje pasitel­kiamas Slovėnijos visuomeninio transliuotojo pavyzdys kaip modelis, kuriuo remiantis tiriamas visuomeninis transliuotojas kaip struktūra, panaudojama nacionalinės valstybės ekonominių ir politinių interesų vardan. Straipsnyje aktualizuojamos visuomeninio transliuotojo problemos, ypač nesugebėjimas pritraukti išsklai­dytų visuomenės sluoksnių, besiformuojančių už nacionalinės valstybės sienų, apibrėžtų tapatumo ribų ir nacionalinių ryšių lauko. Pateikiami argumentai, įvardijantys, kodėl šiuolaikinėse diskusijose apie viešumo potencialą žiniasklaidoje reikia atsižvelgti į viešumo apraiškas ne tik pačioje žiniasklaidoje, bet ir už jos ribų, pasitelkiant "visuomenės kuriamos žiniasklaidos" galimybes.

This article explores critiques and reformulations of Habermas's concept of communicative action as presented by feminist authors. Numerous articles considering communicative action as developed by Habermas from a feminist perspective have been published, but no systematic analysis of these arguments exists. This article aims to fill the gap by providing an examination of various readings of communicative action from a feminist standpoint. If, on one hand, the article collects the dispersed feminist critique of communicative action and offers insight into feminist argumentation, its aim is, on the other hand, to reflect the critique itself. Therefore, attention is devoted both to feminist readings of communicative action, as well as to the potential shortcomings of these readings that are detected by a closer examination of Habermas's own works. The article's aim is also to show how feminist critics, in their interpretations and reformulations of communicative action, focus on an explication of the inclusive elements of communicative action.