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The CEE countries always played an important role in the Chinese foreign policy towards the European Union: until the global financial crisis Beijing considered them as gates towards the Community. The crisis hit Europe as well and Western European countries were happy to open up their markets and cooperate with the Asian power. Recently there is a new momentum for the CEE countries: with its new global project, China is interested in infrastructure projects and in order to receive tender sin the EU, they need references as well, according to the very strict European rules. CEE countries are ready to offer this possibility. In this paper we are going to look at this new interest through Hungar, and with the help of a Hungarian case study we are going to learn about this projects and what they might mean for the CEE countries. Simply through their economic relevance Chinese can persuade countries to join their initiatives – who are willing to join them. In the case of the CEE, the Chinese development model can be so much attractive (deals without democratic-institutional conditions), it can fade the benefits of the EU itself.

The CEE countries always played an important role in the Chinese foreign policy towards the European Union: until the global financial crisis Beijing considered them as gates towards the Community. The crisis hit Europe as well and Western European countries were happy to open up their markets and cooperate with the Asian power. Recently there is a new momentum for the CEE countries: with its new global project, China is interested in infrastructure projects and in order to receive tender sin the EU, they need references as well, according to the very strict European rules. CEE countries are ready to offer this possibility. In this paper we are going to look at this new interest through Hungar, and with the help of a Hungarian case study we are going to learn about this projects and what they might mean for the CEE countries. Simply through their economic relevance Chinese can persuade countries to join their initiatives – who are willing to join them. In the case of the CEE, the Chinese development model can be so much attractive (deals without democratic-institutional conditions), it can fade the benefits of the EU itself.

The development of the navy and the extension of connected capacities is one of the focuses of the military evolution in the People's Republic of China (later on: China). The directions of the improvement appear to be clear, though achieving their aims are a question of decades, not years. These Chinese steps, the progress they make, new ship classes they develop, advanced technologies they produce will take the upcoming decades to reach their goals – even if sometimes the Western media exaggerates the potential threat posed by the Chinese army. The paper shortly presents the geopolitical environment of the country, after that analyses the necessity of a blue-water navy, the development they have already started and tries to project ahead their capacities and the relevance of that future Navy.

This study focuses on the involvement of China in the above two African states, arguing that the development of the education sector, therefore the development via education is crucial for any of the states of the continent. It gives an overview of education as a significant aspect of human development in the context of opposing policies of the international financial institutions (IFIs) and the Chinese government. In the light of the FOCAC process, China's involvement in the development of human resources on African soil will be looked at closely, also questioning whether or not China may present an 'alternative' to the IFIs in the field.