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This thesis is a study of three global issues – development cooperation, education and gender - and their transformation to local circumstances in Lao People's Democratic Republic (PDR), a landlocked country in Southeast Asia. Combining post-colonial and post-structural perspectives, it sets out to understand how discourses of education and gender in Laos intersect with discourses of education and gender within development cooperation represented by organisations such as the World Bank and the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida). Through field observations, analysis of national and donor policies on education and gender, and interviews with Lao educationalists, this thesis offers an analysis that shows the complexities arising at the intersection where the first-world-north meets the local in the context of development cooperation. Foucault's notion of the production and reproduction of discourses through different power-knowledge relations is used to show that the meanings accorded to education and gender within development cooperation, indeed are historically, culturally and contextually constructed. Within development cooperation policy, first-world-north discourses appear to have a hegemonic status in defining education and gender. Thus 'Education for All' and 'Gender Mainstreaming' become privileged discourses that also take root in Lao national policy-making. Development cooperation further brings with it discourses defining the cooperation itself. Partnership is one such privileged donor discourse. These policy discourses are however interpreted by Lao educationalists that are not influenced by policy alone; rather, contextual discourses also affect how policies are understood and negotiated. It is when these discourses intersect that structures of power and preferential rights of interpretation become visible. The analysis points to how the perspectives of international development cooperation organisations representing the first-world-north are in positions to set the agenda for development cooperation within policy. This position of power can, from a post-colonial perspective, be traced back to how former colonial structures created a privileged position for first-world-north knowledge that still prevails. This is to some extent acknowledged by development cooperation organisations through the emphasis on partnership. However, in the local context, partnership is not experienced as a discourse which has the effects of redistributing power. Partnership is rather transformed into a discourse of superiority and subordination where development cooperation organisations monitor and evaluate and local actors adjust and implement. Lao education officials however express alternative interpretations of partnership that are based on face-to-face collaboration and collective effort. These strategies have closer links to local practices and also reflect contextual discourse-power-knowledge relations which the education officials are well aware of. These strategies of negotiation also extend to the issues of education and gender. Discourses of 'Education for All' and 'Gender Mainstreaming' are acknowledged among the education officials as policy goals which to some extent also extend into practice. These discourses are however renegotiated to accommodate local circumstances. 'Education for All' is thus replaced by the '5-pointed star' which serves as an operationalisation of the concept of 'learner-centred education'. 'Gender Mainstreaming' has to co-exist with local discourses that on the one hand build on patriarchal organisations of society and on the other hand build on local strategies for access which weaken patriarchal structures. The analysis ultimately stresses the importance of incorporating local, contextual knowledge in educational development cooperation processes, both among international and national stakeholders. This process can be supported by a willingness to deconstruct taken-for-granted understandings and value systems; and in doing so, recognising the normative aspects operating both in the areas of education and gender.

El presente artículo describe y analiza la experiencia de enseñanza de la investigación llevada a cabo en la Facultad de Odontología de la Universidad de Los Andes (FOULA), Mérida, Venezuela, en los últimos 7 años. En 1999, se inició la ejecución de un plan de estudio, el cual contempla la enseñanza de la investigación integrada a las distintas áreas de estudio. Para su concreción, se creó en Departamento de investigación, el cual está conformado por una serie de asignaturas que procuran la formación de los estudiantes como investigadores durante toda carrera, haciendo énfasis en la lectura y producción de los distintos géneros discursivos que se leen, se escriben y se publican en la comunidad discursiva de Odontología. Con base en la integración docente y en la propuesta didáctica constructivista y democrática, y en un modelo integral de enseñanza de la lectura y la escritura, se desarrollan actividades de investigación, teóricas y prácticas, de dificultad creciente en cada año: estudios documentales, en 1.º año, investigaciones descriptivas, en 2.º y 3.º año, trabajos experimentales, en 4.º y 5.º Año, y, finalmente, el trabajo especial de grado. Al mirar retrospectivamente la experiencia, encontramos que los estudiantes han practicado la investigación de manera significativa, se les ha enseñado a investigar investigando, en situaciones reales, con el propósito de contribuir, de alguna manera, con la resolución de problemas de la comunidad. Se han familiarizado con los géneros discursivos que se leen y se escriben y se publican en Odontología, lo cual significa que han avanzado hacia su incorporación a esta comunidad. Pese a todas las dificultades enfrentadas, se ha contribuido con la formación de los estudiantes en investigación: lectura, escritura y nuevas tecnologías, al integrar la investigación, área esencial para la práctica odontológica integral en la actualidad. ; The present article describes and analyzes the experience of research teaching carried out in the Faculty of Odontolgy of the University of Los Andes (FOULA), Merida, Venezuela, during the last 7 years. In 1999, the execution of a plan of study initiated, which contemplates the research teaching integrated to the different areas of study. For its concretion, a Research Department was created, and it is shaped by a series of subjects that intend the formation of the students as researchers during any career, focusing on the reading and production of the different discursive kinds that are read, written and published into the discursive community of Odontolgy. With base on the educational integration and on the didactic, democratic, constructivist proposal, and also on an integral model of education of the reading and writing, theoretical and practical activities of research with increasing difficulty in every year are carried out: documentary studies, in 1st year, descriptive research, in 2nd and 3rd years, experimental works in 4th and 5th years, and, finally, the special work of degree. By looking at the experience retrospectively, we find that the students have significantly practiced research, they have been taught to research by researching, in real situations, with the intention of contributing, somehow, with the resolution of problems of the community. They have familiarized themselves with the discursive kinds that are read, written and published into the discursive community of Odontolgy which means that they have advanced towards their incorporation to this community. In spite of all the conflicting difficulties, it has been possible to contribute with the students' formation in research: reading, writing and new technologies, on having integrated the research, essential area for the integral practice of Odontolgy, at present. ; 5-18 ; oscarula@ula.ve, moralito_ve@yahoo.com ; josetona@ula.ve ; tonosula@hotmail.com

Today the Old Believers enjoy the status of a traditional religious community. The title of the Master's paper - "The Old Believers Church in Lithuania in 1918-1940" -reflects the subject of study dealing with its legal status, religious organisation, social and political involvement. The choice of the subject was determined by the importance of research on Lithuania's traditional religious minorities. Owing to the fact that over a long period Lithuania's history research has been one-sided, focusing mostly on ethnic history and missing the civil one, the historical image of Lithuania's religious communities has remained somewhat incomplete. So far no exhaustive studies related to the history of Lithuania's communities of traditional religious minorities have been made. In most cases the mentioned studies dealt only with the history of the Lithuanian Catholic Church. The goal of the paper is the study of the Old Believers Church in Lithuania (further referred to as "OBCL") as an organizational institution. The objectives to achieve the set goal: - to analyze the legal status and development of the Old Believers Church in Lithuania in 1918-1940 in the context of State - Church relations; - to examine the specific development features of the organization of the Old Believers Church in Lithuania, i.e. formation and activity of institutions, adaptation to the new political situation and solution of related problems, relations with organizations of the Old Believers Church in other countries. - to examine the factors of OBCL social and political involvement. In terms of intensity of cooperation between the State and religious organizations in the period under study the model of the Lithuanian State may be characterized as the State Not separated from the Church, where different religions enjoy relatively equal rights. Summarizing the State-OBCL relations, the state policy in respect of OBCL can be characterized as tending to compromise. The State endeavoured not to interfere with OBCL internal affairs; however, the very model of relations in effect between the State and the Church in Lithuania called for intervention of authorities into OBCL internal life. On the one hand, this policy also provided certain protection to the Old Believers minority when applying to it certain analogous decisions mainly adopted to protect the interests of the predominant "state church". On the other hand, this kind of state policy sometimes resulted in violation of OBCL autonomy rights. In evaluating the OBCL legal status, it is important to note that during the whole interwar period the State-Church relations were governed by provisional law, meaning that the OBCL legal status was not finally regulated. The State failed to officially recognize a single OBCL internal document. It is this uncertainty that made it possible for the state authorities to intervene in OBCL internal matters. The final recognition of OBCL supreme authorities was determined by state institutions and not by OBCL organizational principle, which is an essential part in the religion of the "priestless pomors". Strange enough, but as the case with OBCL is, these violations of autonomy had a positive effect on the preservation of integrity of OBCL organization. With all that, even willing to accept the stabilizing role of intervention of authorities, the State in democratic societies may not take steps to ensure the survival of religious communities or their government in a centralized way. Summing up the OBCL social and political involvement, it is worth saying that for a long time having no opportunity to be heard in public and political spheres, the Old Believers of the interwar period were gradually getting involved in the social and political life of Lithuania. In this way this study introduces certain corrections to the "dark", "passive", "colonist" image of an Old Believer.

Today the Old Believers enjoy the status of a traditional religious community. The title of the Master's paper - "The Old Believers Church in Lithuania in 1918-1940" -reflects the subject of study dealing with its legal status, religious organisation, social and political involvement. The choice of the subject was determined by the importance of research on Lithuania's traditional religious minorities. Owing to the fact that over a long period Lithuania's history research has been one-sided, focusing mostly on ethnic history and missing the civil one, the historical image of Lithuania's religious communities has remained somewhat incomplete. So far no exhaustive studies related to the history of Lithuania's communities of traditional religious minorities have been made. In most cases the mentioned studies dealt only with the history of the Lithuanian Catholic Church. The goal of the paper is the study of the Old Believers Church in Lithuania (further referred to as "OBCL") as an organizational institution. The objectives to achieve the set goal: - to analyze the legal status and development of the Old Believers Church in Lithuania in 1918-1940 in the context of State - Church relations; - to examine the specific development features of the organization of the Old Believers Church in Lithuania, i.e. formation and activity of institutions, adaptation to the new political situation and solution of related problems, relations with organizations of the Old Believers Church in other countries. - to examine the factors of OBCL social and political involvement. In terms of intensity of cooperation between the State and religious organizations in the period under study the model of the Lithuanian State may be characterized as the State Not separated from the Church, where different religions enjoy relatively equal rights. Summarizing the State-OBCL relations, the state policy in respect of OBCL can be characterized as tending to compromise. The State endeavoured not to interfere with OBCL internal affairs; however, the very model of relations in effect between the State and the Church in Lithuania called for intervention of authorities into OBCL internal life. On the one hand, this policy also provided certain protection to the Old Believers minority when applying to it certain analogous decisions mainly adopted to protect the interests of the predominant "state church". On the other hand, this kind of state policy sometimes resulted in violation of OBCL autonomy rights. In evaluating the OBCL legal status, it is important to note that during the whole interwar period the State-Church relations were governed by provisional law, meaning that the OBCL legal status was not finally regulated. The State failed to officially recognize a single OBCL internal document. It is this uncertainty that made it possible for the state authorities to intervene in OBCL internal matters. The final recognition of OBCL supreme authorities was determined by state institutions and not by OBCL organizational principle, which is an essential part in the religion of the "priestless pomors". Strange enough, but as the case with OBCL is, these violations of autonomy had a positive effect on the preservation of integrity of OBCL organization. With all that, even willing to accept the stabilizing role of intervention of authorities, the State in democratic societies may not take steps to ensure the survival of religious communities or their government in a centralized way. Summing up the OBCL social and political involvement, it is worth saying that for a long time having no opportunity to be heard in public and political spheres, the Old Believers of the interwar period were gradually getting involved in the social and political life of Lithuania. In this way this study introduces certain corrections to the "dark", "passive", "colonist" image of an Old Believer.

Summary The object of the master thesis paper is the political attitudes and activities of Bronys Raila who was a famous Lithuanian intellectual, former third front line solder who joined the left–wing campus after the World War II, during the 4th decade of the 20th century. This theme has not received any attention from the researchers of historiography yet. The research has been conducted on the basis of vast historical resources. After it has been conducted, it emerged that Bronys Raila was a controversial personality of Lithuanian history of the 20th century who had not any clear ideological attitudes and who was distinguished by his radical views and activities, especially during the 4th decade of the mentioned century. Early in life, Bronys Raila was influenced by the leftist ideas and, for some time, he collaborated in the social–democratic press; further, during the period of 1930 and 1931, he worked in the journal "Trečiasis frontas" (The Third Front) of the leftist procommunist Lithuanian writers. He was one of its ideological leaders, which he himself never fancied to admit. After the Lithuanian government prohibited its printing, the third front line solders dispersed. However, Bronys Raila's retreat was influenced not by his ideological motives but by the external factors. The most influential ones were the severe critic of the Lithuanian communist party towards the third front line solders, constant attacks (even curses) of Bronys Raila in the communist press, which influenced Bronys Raila's backslide from the "left–wing" and presumably from the evolution to the communist regime. It is fairly important to note that Bronys Raila could no longer publish after "Trečiasis frontas" was closed. After he joined the nationalists, Bronys Raila became a severe opponent of his former congenial, the leftists. He constantly criticized his former friends in the nationalist press. A true critical action took place in 1936 when Bronys Raila openly and ruthlessly criticized the leftist journal "Literatūra" (Literature), the very core of which consisted of the third front line solders. At the age of twenty seven, in several articles, Bronys Raila openly criticized its editor Vincas Krėvė and accused its employees of the propaganda of cultural bolshevist ideas in Lithuania. In this case, he was unerring. As he was in the Lithuanian Nationalist League, he was perpetually publishing, collaborated in several periodical nationalist publications simultaneously, and worked in the state radio. During the short period in the 4th decade, Bronys Raila became one of the ideological leaders of nationalists. The future minister of pro–German LAF propaganda, in the middle of the 4th decade, Bronys Raila was incredulous at the social, economical achievements of Nazi Germany and the very ideology of National Socialism due to the openly demonstrated expansionism of Germany. However, at the end of the mentioned decade, the Nazi state order became appropriate for him due to the implementation of the "stepped–up nationalism" in Lithuania. In the middle of the 4th decade and during its second half, the reflections of Bronys Raila on the political order disclosed his sympathies solely to the national state that was ruled by a strong, dynamic and strict power. According to him, the power of the authoritarian regime of Antanas Smetona was a "mild one". Bronys Raila's sympathies to the cult of a leader and the total execution of opposition were enhanced by the establishment of total regimes in Europe at the end of the decade. At this time, his articles reflected the ideal of the "Lithuanian Lithuania" that excluded Poles, Germans and Jews as its full citizens.

Kein anderes Material hat im 19. Jahrhundert das Design und die Architektur beeinflußt, wie die Kunststoffe. Das Feld der Realisationen und der Projekte des gesamten Kunststoffbaus ist dabei aufgrund der unterschiedlichen Kunststoffarten und somit Ausführungen sehr weitläufig. Daher begrenzt sich diese Untersuchung auf die glasfaserverstärkten Kunststoffe (GFK). Die Glasfasern übertragen die auftretenden Kräfte und werden durch das sie umschließende Harz gebunden. Die GFK sind daher bestens für tragende Bauteile geeignet. Die glasfaserverstärkten Kunststoffe durchliefen in den 1940er bis 1970er Jahren eine für einen Baustoff kurze aber sehr ergiebige Pionierphase. Die umfassende Analyse der drei zu unterscheidenden Perioden setzt sich aus der Untersuchung der wirtschaftlichen, politischen, gesellschaftlichen und kulturellen Beeinflussungen zusammen. Circa 260 unterschiedliche Projekte wurden weltweit aus selbsttragenden / tragenden GFK-Bauteilen realisiert. Diese sind ausführlich innerhalb des Kataloges im Anhang aufgelistet. GFK-Bauten waren nicht allein aufgrund des neuen Materials modern, sondern auch aufgrund ihrer freien Formbarkeit, transluzenten Flächen und auffälligen Farben und den flexiblen Nutzungskonzepten entsprechend einer modernen demokratischen Gesellschaft, die aufgeschlossen und optimistisch der Zukunft gegenübersteht. Die Realisationen, die zum Teil bis heute noch genutzt werden, beweisen den hohen Wissensstand der Pioniere. Die von den Pionieren gesuchte GFK-Architektur war eine sehr vielfältige, die sich nicht auf wenige Formenmerkmale zusammenfassen läßt. Das neue Material ermöglichte es den Architekten, ihre Vorstellungen und Träume von Formen, Gehäusen und Bauten zu realisieren. Die Analyse der Vorgänger und der Inspirationsquellen diese Formenvielfalt sind Grundlage einer objektiven Beurteilung dieser Bauten. Architekten und Bauingenieure suchten ideale Einsatzgebiete und Konstruktionsvarianten für den bis dahin assoziationsfreien Baustoff. Die Nutzungskonzepte: Wohnhaus, Zweithaus, Ausstellung, Spielgerät und die Entwicklung von Gebäudeteilen: Gebäudehülle, Überdachung, Fassade werden im Gesamtzusammenhang und nach der optimalen Verwendbarkeit untersucht. Das Wissen über den Verlauf der Pionierphase der GFK, die damals formulierten Gründe für und wider deren Einsatz und der entwickelten Konstruktionen, Verbindungstechniken und Tragwerke kann einem erneuten Einsatz des Baumateriales nur dienlich sein. Anliegen dieser Dissertation ist es, die GFK als einsatzfähige Werkstoffe innerhalb der Architekturlandschaft wieder einen Platz zu geben. Diese Analyse soll verschüttetes Wissen aufdecken, die in den 1970er Jahren entstandenen Vorurteile sichtbar machen und die glasfaserverstärkten Kunststoffe als das darstellen, was sie sind, leistungsfähige Baustoffe für gekrümmte und gefaltete Konstruktionen. ; No other material affected the design and the architecture of the 19th century more than the plastics. There is a great variety of different sorts of plastics and therefore as well of architectural projects. That's why this thesis limits itself to the glass-fibre reinforced plastics (GRP). The glass fibres are bounded by the polyester resin. In this way they transfer the arising forces – therefore the GRP are suitable in the best way for load-bearing construction units. The glass-fibre reinforced plastics went through a very short but productive pioneer phase (1942 to 1980). This is a very short periods for a building material. The comprehensive analysis of the three phases consists of the investigation of the economical, political, social and cultural influences. About 260 different GRP units had been realized world-wide out of self supporting/supporting elements. Those are listed in detail within the catalogue in the appendix. Buildings made of GRP were not alone modern due to the new material, but also due to their free mould ability, translucent facades, remarkable colours and the flexible use, according to an optimistically minded modern democratic society. These projects – some of them are still in use – prove the high developed know-how of the pioneer-constructers. The GRP-pioneers had achieved an enormous variety of forms. The analysis of the predecessors and the Sources of inspiration and the following variety of forms are basis of an objective evaluation of these buildings. Architects and civil engineers searched for ideal operational areas and structural variants for these building material, that until than had been free of associations. The used concepts: House, Second home, Exhibition, Playing equipment and the development of parts of building as Building cover, Roofing, Façade are examined in the general context and following the optimal usefulness. The knowledge about the process of the pioneer phase, the seasons for and against the use of GRP, formulated at that time, and the developed constructions, Connection techniques and structure could be helpful for a renewed use of the GRP. The request of this thesis is to show the GRP as a useful material within architecture. This analysis is to uncover the hidden knowledge, to show the prejudices developed in the 1970s and to present the glass-fibre plastics as an efficient building material for curved and folded constructions.

O presente artigo analisa o projeto Ministério Público Vai às Ruas, implementado pelo Ministério Público do Estado da Bahia em um bairro popular de Salvador. Foi uma iniciativa para ampliar o acesso da população de baixa renda à justiça e ao usufruto dos direitos que situam o indivíduo no âmbito da cidadania. Nas formas de institucionalização dos direitos modernos do homem, a justiça entremeia os recursos e mecanismos normativos e distributivos que possibilitam a inclusão social, enfrentando as desigualdades que se formam, historicamente, a partir das relações de classe e de poder. A ação da justiça afirma a integração do indivíduo na sociedade por meio de valores de cultura política democrática, uma manifestação dos sistemas morais e dos processos de sociabilidade, fundamentais para a solidariedade social. A análise da experiência implementada em Salvador revela os níveis de exclusão de uma larga faixa da população dos direitos fundamentais básicos, em especial os direitos civis, e a pouca capacidade do Estado em viabilizá-los por meio do acesso à própria justiça, criando des-compassos para que a cidadania possa superar desigualdades. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Ministério Público, justiça, desigualdades, cultura política, cidadania.JUSTICE AND INEQUALITIES: citizenship imbalance as a form of social exclusion The present paper analyzes the Public Prosecution Service on the Streets, a project implemented by the Public Prosecutor's Office of the State of Bahia in a popular district in Salvador. This initiative aims at simplifying the access of low-income population to justice and to the usufruct of citizens' rights. Justice interweaves resources and standardized and distributive mechanisms in favor of social inclusion in order to institutionalize modern human rights, facing historically constructed inequalities that were based on the relationships of class and power. The action of justice confirms the integration of individuals into society, relying on the political culture of democratic values, a manifestation of the moral and social systems essential to social solidarity. The analysis of the experience implemented in Salvador shows that a large proportion of the population is deprived of its basic fundamental rights, especially civil rights. It also shows that the State has limited capacity in providing access to justice, originating an imbalance for citizenship to overcome inequalities. KEY WORDS: Public Prosecution Services, justice, inequalities, political culture, citizenship. JUSTICE ET INEGALITES: le dereglemene de la citoyennete comme forme d'exclusion sociale Cet article analyse le projet Le Ministère Public va dans les Rues, mis en place par le Ministère Public de l'Etat de Bahia dans un quartier populaire de Salvador. Il s'agit d'une initiative qui devrait permettre à la population pauvre d'avoir plus facilement accès à la justice et à la jouissance de ses droits, permettant ainsi à l'individu de se sentir citoyen. En ce qui concerne les formes d'institutionnalisation des droits modernes de l'homme, la justice passe par des ressources et des mécanismes normatifs et distributifs qui permettent une inclusion sociale, affronte les inégalités qui se constituent, historiquement, à partir des relations de classes et de pouvoir. L'action de la justice affirme l'intégration de l'individu dans la société par le biais de valeurs d'ordre politique démocratique, une manifestation des systèmes moraux et des processus de sociabilité, fondamentaux pour la solidarité sociale. L'analyse de l'expérience mise en œuvre à Salvador démontre les niveaux d'exclusion d'une grande partie de la population des droits fondamentaux, tout spécialement des droits civils, ainsi qu'un manque de capacité de l'Etat à les rendre possibles grâce à l'accès à la justice en soi, ce qui créé des dérèglements où la citoyenneté ne peut compenser ces inégalités. MOTS-CLÉS: Ministère Public, justice, inégalités, culture politique, citoyenneté. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Статья подготовлена по материалам исследования жизни современного поколения духоборцев, проведенного автором в Канаде2. Автор ставила перед собой задачу не только изучить особенности жизни этой группы эмигрантов из России, но также понять исторические условия, в которых протекала их интеграция. Другая задача заключалась в том, чтобы выявить степень их культурной локализации, сохранения национальной идентичности и основ веры в Канаде на протяжении более 100 лет. ; Traveling through contemporary Canada has brought keys for understanding why the Doukhobors, so a large immigrant group, had accepted Canada as their new Motherland. The problem was not only to study the life of the Doukhobors' contemporary generation but also to understand conditions of their adoption and assimilation in Canada. The second task was to find out the degree of their cultural localization in Canada, the withstanding of their native culture and faith during more than a hundred years. This historical problem is of great importance in contemporary world because of many migrations in the world. The experience of Canada and Canadian immigration and multicultural policy must be used by other countries with the same phenomena. As for Doukhobors it was both in the interest of the Doukhobors and Canadian government to let them settle on Canadian land. There were vast uncultivated lands in West Canada that must have been prepared for seeding and grain growing. The Doukhobors were historically peasant and they were ready for such labor. They expressed their idea of life in well-known slogan "Toil and Peaceful Life" which meant not only non-killing of any living being but also no conflicts with Canadian people and government. As all emigrants they hoped to find better life and opportunity to confess their faith in country based on democratic principles and religious tolerance. They were met very hospitably by Canadian people and state authorities. But later in the process of adoption they met a lot of difficulties and problems. The Doukhobors passed in their Canadian assimilation all three levels. In Canada the Doukhobor emigrants found a liberal capitalist state based on a British model, where the ruling class tended to relegate all immigrants to the category of «foreign workers». Promises of free land, exemption from military service and no interference in education and religious principles were not always fulfilled to the Doukhobors' expectations. During the long period of Doukhobors' assimilation in Canada there were a number of prominent and progressive persons both from Canadian and Doukhobors' side who made a lot of efforts to clear the situation with community and to help its members to ado up some 40,000 of Canada's population to Canadian society. One of the most prominent persons among Canadians was Professor John Mavor. After the Second World War among the Doukhobors there were well-educated young men full of enthusiasm to change the situation with the Doukhobors. One of them is the famous Canadian anthropologist and ethnographist, writer and journalist Koozma Tarasoff. His efforts as well as many other persons were not useless. Today Doukhobors are an organic part of Canadian multi-national people. The Doukhobors, make up some 40,000 of Canada's population; they are citizens of Canada and are part of that multicultural mix. These good changes in the Doukhobors' fate in Canada were also' owing to the Canadian Policy the since 1971. The Doukhobors considered this new trend of cultural maturity beneficial not only for them but for all Canadians of whatever ethnic background. They think themselves as bridgebuilders a synthesis between liberal individual rights and collective community rights. Hence they embrace multiculturalism as the way of the future. The unique Doukhobors' culture has withstood until present day and is of great actual importance to the contemporary world changes.

El artículo presenta la investigación que desarrollo en el equipo de la línea denominada «Valores, Ciudadanía y Educación Popular» y se asume que para la construcción de la cultura democrática, es decir, de una ética de la convivencia que forme a los niños, niñas y jóvenes, es prioritario potenciar las disposiciones necesarias para construir las dimensiones: proyecto de vida, identidad-interioridad y compromiso social. En esta investigación se ha trabajado la construcción del proyecto de vida para la ciudadanía desde la perspectiva participativa, aseverando que la formación ciudadana debe estar integrada por mediaciones participativas, que desarrollen la capacidad crítico reflexiva en pro de la construcción de la dimensión proyecto de vida dentro del marco teórico del Perfil del profesor mediador publicado en 2003 por Lorenzo Tébar Belmonte. Tanto el proyecto de vida, como las mencionadas dimensiones configuran la propuesta investigativa denominada: «Prácticas pedagógicas de mediación en una propuesta intencionada para la formación ciudadana de niños, niñas y jóvenes». La dimensión aquí expuesta propone una metodología de investigación etnográfica que busca hallar el sentido1de las categorías de la actitud, del desear, de la moralidad preconvencional, de la moralidad convencional y de la moralidad postconvencional; del establecimiento de prioridades, objetivos y metas para el servicio de niños y jóvenes matriculados en educación básica del Liceo Hermano Miguel de La Salle, de Bogotá. Se trata de estudiantes pertenecientes básicamente a los estratos 3 y 4 que forman una población muestra de 30 estudiantes que, junto a cuatro estudiantes de pregrado de la Facultad de Educación de la Universidad de La Salle, trabajan seis talleres de la dimensión proyecto de vida para la formación ciudadana; estos son instrumentos estratégicos para entrar en contacto mediador con la población que posibilitan crear una imagen realista y fiel del grupo y sus unidades integrantes en torno a la construcción del proyecto de vida para la ciudadanía. ; This article presents the research I am developing within the team of the line called «Values, Citizenship and Popular Education». It is understood that to construct democratic culture, that is, an ethics of living together to educate children and youngsters, it is essential to favor necessary arrangements to construct the following dimensions: life project, identity-inner being and social commitment. This research has worked the life project construction for citizenship from the participative perspective, stating that citizen education must be made up by participative mediations that develop the critic and reflexive capacity in favor of the construction of the life project dimension within the theoretical framework Profile of the mediator teacher published in 2003 by Loernzo Tébar Belmonte. Both the life project and the above mentioned dimensions are part of the research proposal called «Mediation Pedagogic Practices in a proposal to create citizenship in children and youngsters». The dimension presented here, proposes an ethnographic research methodology which wants to find the sense of categories such as attitude, desire, preconventional morality, conventional morality, and postconventional morality, the establishment of priorities, objectives and goals for the service of children and young people registered in basic education in the Liceo Hermano Miguel de la Salle in Bogotá. They are a sample population of 30 3-4 strata students, who together with 4 undergraduate students from the School of Education at Universidad de La Salle, work in six workshops in the life project dimension to develop citizenship; these are strategic instruments to contact the population and they make possible to create a realistic and faithful image of the group and its unit regarding the construction of the life project for citizenship.

Zinātniski pētnieciskā darba tēma ir "Skolas vadības loma skolas un ģimenes sadarbības veicināšanā". Šo jautājumu ir svarīgi pētīt tāpēc, ka atmosfēra skolā zināmā mērā atkarīga no tā , kāda ir skolas un ģimeņu sadarbība, vai vecāki ir demokrātiskās struktūras sastāvdaļa, vai viņiem rūp un, vai viņi jūtas atbildīgi par to, ko viņu bērni gūst, apmeklējot skolu. Pētījuma mērķis ir ,pamatojoties uz teorētiskām atziņām, personīgiem pētījumiem, to analīzi, izpētīt, kāda ir skolas vadības loma skolas un ģimeņu pozitīvas saskarsmes veidošanā, dažādojot skolas un ģimenes sadarbības formas. Izvirzītā mērķa sasniegšanai darba autore Ilze Andža izmanto dažādas pētīšanas metodes – pedagoģiskās, metodiskās un zinātniskās literatūras analīzi pētāmās problēmas aspektā, dokumentu un materiālu izpēti, skolas darbības analīzi, anketēšanu, datu apstrādi, izmantojot matemātiskās statistikas metodes. Darba struktūru veido ievads, piecas nodaļas, nobeigums, anotācija latviešu un angļu valodā, izmantotās literatūras un avotu saraksts, 13 pielikumi. Maģistra darbā atklāti teorētiskie aspekti tādiem jautājumiem kā saskarsme, sadarbība, mijiedarbība, skolas un ģimenes sadarbības partneri, sadarbības saturs un sadarbības formas. Izvērtēta skolas vadības loma skolas un ģimenes sadarbības pilnveides procesā. Veikta skolēnu, skolotāju un ģimeņu savstarpējo attiecību izpēte un analīze Balvu pamatskolā un pilsētā, salīdzinot to ar republikāniskā pētījuma rezultātiem. Izzinātas vecāku domas par sadarbības iespējām ar skolu, par iespējami efektīvākām sadarbības formām, pedagoģiskās izglītošanās iespējām. Darbā analizēti galvenie principi, uz kuriem balstās skolas vadības darbība skolas un ģimenes sadarbības veicināšanā. Autore pierāda, ka skolas un ģimenes sadarbība ir efektīvāka, ja : •skolas vadība veido pozitīvu fizisko un morālo vidi skolas un ģimeņu sadarbībai, •regulāri tiek izzinātas abu ieinteresēto pušu vajadzības pēc sadarbības, tās vēlamās formas, •pēc iespējas tiek dažādotas sadarbības formas. ; The theme of the scientific exploration is" The role of the school administration in facilitating the co-operation between school and the family". The problem is essential, as the atmosphere in a school depends, to a great extent, upon the quality of co-operation between the school and the families, as well as upon the democratic views of the parents and their caring and responsibility about their children's success at school. The aim of the investigation is, based upon theoretical ideas, personal exploration and its analysis, to state the role of the school administration in creating a positive communication between the school and families, using different forms of school- family co-operation. To achieve the aim, the author Ilze Andža ups various exploration methods- analyzing pedagogical, methodical and scientific literature in the field of problem investigated, exploring documents and materials, analyzing school activities, questionnaires, computing data, mathematical statistics. The structure of the paper: Introduction, 5 Chapters, Conclusions, Annotations in Latvian and in English, list of literature and sources, 13 appendices. The master's paper reveals the theoretical aspects of communication, co-operation, feedback, the school and the family as partners of co-operation, its contents and forms. The paper evaluates the role of the school administration in facilitating the process of co-operation between the school and the family. The paper deals with exploring and analyzing the mutual relationships among the students, teachers and families at Balvi Primary school and at Balvi town, as compared to the results of the state investigation. The paper comprises the parent's ideas of a possible co-operation with the school, of effective forms of co-operation and opportunities of pedagogical education. The paper analyzes the main principles for the activities of the school administration in facilitating the co-operation between the school and the family. The author proves that the efficiency of the school-family co-operation is directly linked with •the school administration creating a positive physical and moral environment for co-operation, •a regular investigation of the co-operation needs, its forms, •using as many different co-operation forms as possible.

In this thesis I will examine the image Aamulehti and Kansan Lehti gave of the Russians and how propagandistic methods were used in building that image. The interest lies in the way the image of Russians—positive and negative—was moulded to correspond with political aims; how both sides of the Civil War (the Reds and the Whites) used the image in rallying up for public approval and support for their respective causes in 1917-1918. I concentrate on identifying the image of a Russian and detecting the changes that image went through during 1917. In the process I aim at dissecting some of the propagandistic methods that were used in creating the image and later on, shifting it towards the direction where it could be used to agitate people for Civil War. The setting of the Finnish Civil War was quite the same as in other European countries: Whites against Reds, communism against capitalism or monarchy, the working class/ proletariat against bourgeois. The role of Russians in the Finnish Civil War was minor; most of the Russian military stationed in Finland left in order to support the revolution in their own country. However, they did have a part in the Finnish Civil War, not because of their role in the actual battle, but because the image of a Russian was exploited by both sides—Reds and Whites—in propaganda My research findings were interesting to say the least. The official history has always maintained that the relationship between the Finnish Social Democrats and Russians was one with degree of camaraderie, mutual understanding, co-operation, hence making the general assumption that Social Democrats had a positive image of Russian troops. This was also the platform my hypothesis was based upon; that Kansan Lehti—being the voice of Social Democratic Party—would project a positive image of Russians to its readership. But as the empirical data indicates this did not happen: the image Kansan Lehti projects from January through March is that of no image at all and from July to Semtember the image of Russian is very negative, even more so that that projected by Aamulehti. From January through March also Aamulehti shows no interest towards Russians, from July to September—while Kansan Lehti is ranting about cruelty of Russian troops—Aamulehti maintains its neutral attitude towards Russians. From November 1917 to January 1918, which is the final sample period, Aamulehti projects a negative image of Russians, whereas Kansan Lehti for the first time presents Russians in rather neutral light. There are also few other surprises, which this research has come across; major one of them being the association or reference in which the Russians were presented. The first sample period, from January through March, provided no association what so ever, the second sample period from July through September provided no real surprise, for both newspapers presented the Russians in association of themes described by official history: that of mischief and limitations on regained sovereignty. It is the third sample period, which brings us the surprise, at least when it comes to the association in which Kansan Lehti presented Russians. During third sample period Aamulehti rather predictably associates the Russians with Finnish Social Democrats in mischief, however, Kansan Lehti unpredictably presents Russians in connection to much hated Finnish bourgeois and to dark period in Finnish history: the Oppression periods. What is remarkable in here is that both newspapers perceive Russians negatively because of their association and assumed co-operation with the Finnish "opposing side" i.e. it is the Finns who give bad name to Russians. Keywords: propaganda, public opinion, image of Russians, Finnish civil war, Aamulehti, Kansan Lehti

[spa] El período que comprende el último cuarto del siglo XX es una época de profundos cambios en las relaciones entre los regímenes comunistas de Pekín y Pyongyang. La llegada de Deng Xiaoping al poder en 1978 y su política reformista en China alteraron de manera sustancial la naturaleza de sus relaciones con Corea del Norte. En esta tesis se ha analizado el período 1978-1997, conocido en China como los años de Deng, de las relaciones sino-norcoreanas tanto desde el punto de vista de la relación bilateral como de la relación en el contexto internacional y en especial de Asia del Nordeste. En el primero de los casos, la relación entre los dos aliados se vio afectada negativamente por una nueva política exterior de Pekín, más pragmática y menos ideológica que la maoísta. Asimismo, la escasa adaptación de una Corea del Norte poco proclive a aceptar los cambios de los años ochenta y noventa llevó a un enfriamiento cada vez mayor entre los dos países aunque jamás hasta el punto de oficializarse una ruptura. En el segundo caso, un contexto internacional cada vez más desfavorable para Pyongyang y los cambios en la escena mundial con el final del conflicto sino-soviético y de la Guerra Fría tuvieron sus repercusiones en la relación entre chinos y norcoreanos, obligando a estos últimos a adaptarse a nueva relación con los primeros donde Pekín pudo por fin desarrollar una política hacia Corea verdaderamente independiente, pese a las tensiones ocasionadas por Pyongyang. A partir del análisis de este período fundamental en la historia de las relaciones sino-norcoreanas, hemos podido concluir que China pasó a estar en una posición de fuerza en sus relaciones con Corea del Norte a partir de finales de los ochenta y que ello repercutió en su política hacia la península coreana. Dejando de lado al mismo tiempo su solidaridad ideológica y apostando claramente por la defensa de sus intereses nacionales, Pekín impulsó una nueva política hacia Corea a partir de los años noventa, cuya importancia radica en el hecho de que sigue siendo en la práctica la política china hacia este país en la actualidad aunque adaptándose a las circunstancias de hoy. Y como único aliado de Corea del Norte, China tiene mucho que decir en la resolución del último conflicto de la Guerra Fría que todavía queda por solucionar. ; [eng] "Relations between China and North Korea during the Deng Xiaoping Era (1978-1997)" The thesis focuses on the main changes that took place in the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in the last quarter of the Twentieth Century. My motivation to have chosen this subject of research stems from the fact that there isn't a lot of research done about the relationship between Beijing and Pyongyang. The period 1978-1997 changed the nature of this relationship, with the national interests becoming the most important aspect of it, instead of ideological solidarity or historical links with the Korean Peninsula. But there is another important aspect: the Deng Xiaoping era inaugurated a new policy towards Korea, known as "Two-Korea policy", that is the current policy of Beijing. The Korean issue remains the last conflict originated by the Cold War that has not been resolved yet. And the role of China, the only ally of North Korea, is crucial for the resolution of this conflict.

International audience ; The loss of Cuba, of the Philippines and Porto Rico as a consequence of the defeat of the Spanish Army against the US Navy in 1898 was considered by the public opinion not only as a military humiliation but also as a national disaster. In spite of the subsequent political and moral crisis, the Spanish government and the young King Alfonso XIII intended nevertheless to rebuild the Army according to their strong belief that Spain still remained a great power. But very soon the conscience of the poor technical level of the national industry forced the Spanish government to gain the support of foreign knowledge and financial resources. Because of the traditional links between Spain and Great Britain, the domination of the British interests in the new military industry turned to be almost complete before and even more after the First World War. With the Primo de Rivera's dictatorship and the end of the democratic spirit in 1923, this situation changed considerably. The "Iron Surgeon" expressed immediately his will to put an end to the British hegemony in this vital sector of the economy and to open the military industry to new competitors. After a short time of expectation and the insistence of German agents, the German industry decided to cooperate with the Spanish Army on two specific issues ; firstly, the construction of a new submarine prototype ; secondly, the supplying of chemical weapons so important in the conduct of the war against the Riffan insurgents in Morocco. This intrusion of the German interests in the Spanish industry was followed and observed with discontent and concern by the British authorities and industrialists. They could however count on the friendship of many Spanish officers and benefit of secret information about the aims and real influence of the German industry. ; La perte de Cuba, des Philippines et de Porto Rico, suite à la défaite de la marine espagnole face à la US Navy en 1898, fut non seulement considérée par l'opinion publique comme une humiliation miliatire, mais aussi comme un désastre national. En dépit de la crise politique et morale qui en résulta, le gouvernement espagnol et le jeune roi Alphonse XIII se sont efforcés cependant de reconstruire l'armée avec le sentiment que l'Espagne était toujours une grande puissance. Mais bientôt la conscience du faible niveau technique de l'industrie nationale a contraint le gouvernement espagnol à obtenir le soutien du savoir-faire et des ressources financières de l'étranger. À cause des liens traditionnels entre l'Espagne et la Grande-Bretagne, la domination des intérêts britanniques dans la nouvelle industrie militaire devint presque complète avant et plus encore après la Première Guerre mondiale. Avec la dictature de Primo de Rivera et la fin de l'esprit démocratique en 1923, cette situation devait changer considérablement. Le "Chirurgien de fer" manifesta immédiatement sa volonté de mettre fin à l'hégémonie britannique dans ce secteur essentiel de l'économie et d'ouvrir l'industrie militaire à de nouveaux concurrents. Après un court temps d'attente et sur l'insistance d'agents allemands, l'industrie allemande se décida à coopérer avec l'Armée espagnole sur deux projets spécifiques; premièrement, la construction d'un nouveau prototype de sous-marin; deuxièmement, l'approvisionnement d'armes chimiques si importantes dans la conduite de la guerre contre les insurgés rifains au Maroc. Cette intrusion des intérêts allemands dans l'industrie espagnole a été suivie et observée avec mécontentement et inquiétude de la part des autorités britanniques et des industriels. Ils pouvaient compter toutefois sur l'amitié de nombreux officiers espagnols et profiter de renseignements secrets sur les buts et l'influence réelle de l'industrie allemande.

La televisión se ha convertido en el gran referente social y cultural de las sociedades contemporáneas. Idolatrada y denostada a partes iguales, ocupa gran parte del tiempo de los ciudadanos de las sociedades avanzadas. No hay clase social o cultural que se sustraiga a la seducción de las imágenes y mediatiza la vida de adultos y jóvenes en la misma medida. Pero, incluso reconociendo todas las virtudes que este avance tecnológico tiene, la televisión se ha convertido en la caja de Pandora a la que todo el mundo culpa de la mayor parte de los males que aquejan a los ciudadanos. Intelectuales, filósofos, comunicólogos, profesores, sociólogos, padres y madres reflexionan sobre el poder de la televisión. Y las conclusiones a las que arriban son bien distintas. En una nueva versión de «apocalípticos» o «integrados» hay una frontera que separa a los que resaltan lo bueno del medio (sus posibilidades de conocer el mundo en directo, sus usos en educación, su capacidad para entretener y divertir…) y los que opinan que el conocimiento superficial, la incultura y el aburrimiento se introducen en el seno de las familias por medio de este ingenio tecnológico cada día más perfeccionado. La reflexión ha llegado hasta el punto de interesar a la clase política que ha percibido que debe dar respuesta a todos los interrogantes que plantean los ciudadanos: ¿Hay manipulación informativa en todas las televisiones (públicas y privadas)? ¿Es realmente necesario que existan televisiones públicas? ¿Cómo deben ser financiadas estas televisiones públicas? ¿Es necesario regular el sector o es preferible dejarlo según las necesidades del mercado? En este sentido ha habido en Europa dos interesantes intentos por regular (o no) la televisión. Así el Senado francés a finales de 2002 emitió un documento que era al mismo tiempo reflexión y advertencia: por un lado se indagaba en el peso que las nueva cultura de la información tenía sobre el ciudadano, haciendo especial hincapié en la televisión, y por otro se concluía que era necesario un cierto control que tuviera como consecuencia una televisión de calidad. De la misma manera en 2004, el gobierno de Rodríguez Zapatero reunió lo que se vino en llamar un «consejo de sabios» para que reflexionara y apuntara soluciones sobre el fenómeno televisivo. Sobre los contenidos de ambos documentos, sobre sus consejos y sobre las soluciones apuntadas trata la presente comunicación ; The television has turned into the center of the reflections of the contemporary societies due to its presence and power. The political class from different countries has elaborated a series of documents that offer solutions to the problems raised by the use of the television. The Council of Europe in 1986 suggested in the document «The future of public service broadcasting» that the television had to serve for the democratic and cultural development of the Europeans. The French Senate elaborated another document («L'entrée dans the société of l'information») in 1996 in which it was warned that the television did not have to be ruled only by the market and that it had to be controlled for the state. The Spanish government entrusted a report («Informe para la reforma de los medios de comunicación de titularidad del estado») to several intellectual for the restructuring of the public audiovisual sector. The most important conclusion consists of the fact that the purpose of this sector is the public service that must not be measured up exclusively for the economic profit

Este trabajo intenta dar respuesta a algunas de las preguntas que diariamente nos planteamos a la hora de cubrir nuestras necesidades informativas a través de la televisión. El telediario, ese «extraño producto que conviene a todo el mundo, que confirma cosas ya sabidas, y, sobre todo, que deja intactas las estructuras mentales», como diría Bourdieu, llama a nuestra puerta varias veces al día y, por lo general, le dedicamos esos momentos importantes de nuestra vida, es decir, los momentos de mayor audiencia, el «prime time». Gonzalo Abril (2003: 1), refiriéndose al concepto de información, lo compara con ese amigo excéntrico 1 que entra en nuestras casas y al que dedicamos espacios y momentos destacados de nuestra vida, disimulando y perdonando sus impertinencias, sin cuestionar su carácter por miedo a romper su amistad o verse controvertido uno mismo en el acto de controvertir al otro. Sin embargo, ¿qué nos ofrece nuestro amigo?, ¿por qué le dejamos pasar cada día?, ¿por qué le dedicamos nuestro tiempo?, ¿por qué le permitimos sus impertinencias? En otras palabras, y centrándonos en el medio televisión: ¿Por qué más del 90% de la población española se informa a través de la televisión?, ¿por qué vemos los informativos de televisión?, ¿por qué las parrillas de las cadenas generalistas están configuradas o articuladas a partir de los espacios informativos?, ¿por qué los partidos políticos están tan interesados en controlar los servicios informativos de las cadenas públicas y privadas a cualquier precio?, ¿qué intereses empresariales se esconden detrás de las cadenas de televisión y sus informativos? Sencillamente, porque el ser humano tiene la necesidad de estar informado y el derecho a ser informado. Esto no quiere decir que la mejor forma de hacerlo sea a través de la televisión. «Informarse cuesta», dice Ignacio Ramonet en La tiranía de la comunicación (1998: 25). Salir de la falsa sensación de que a través de los informativos que emiten las televisiones nos estamos informando supone un esfuerzo intelectual que no todos estamos dispuestos a realizar. Sin embargo, todos tenemos la suficiente capacidad para poder comprender lo que sucede a nuestro alrededor asumiendo nuestra obligación de formarnos para abandonar la ilusión de que vivimos en la sociedad plural, libre y democrática que diariamente es difundida por los medios de comunicación. Para ello es necesario que conozcamos las fortalezas y debilidades que la información televisiva debe afrontar a la hora de comprender e interpretar la realidad; así como los mecanismos que los canales de televisión utilizan para potenciarlas o evitarlas en pos de mantener el actual sistema informacional, basado en el control del espacio público y la obtención del consenso social por parte del poder empresarial y político ; This work tries to answer some of the questions we ask ourselves everyday, whenever we make use of television to meet our information needs. The TV news programme, «that strange product», as Bourdieu would put it, «that suits everyone, that confirms already known things, and that above all leaves intact our mental structures», knocks on our door a few times a day and often we devote to it those important moments in our lives, in other words, the moments with the largest audience, the prime time. Understanding what happens around us means we have to assume the obligation to form ourselves in order to abandon the illusion that we live in that plural, free and democratic society that it is daily spread across the media