Search results

THIS ARTICLE RE-EXAMINES THE MEANING OF SOUTHERN PARTY LOYALTIES. DRAWING FROM SURVEY DATA GATHERED IN THE EARLY 1970S, IT IS ARGUED THAT THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL CONVENTIONS HAVE UNDERESTIMATED THE DEGREE TO WHICH INTRA-PARTY DIVISION IS MANIFESTED IN SOUTHERN PARTISAN PERCEPTIONS AND IDENTIFICATIONS.

Dem Begriff der "Parteilichkeit" (partisanship) ist in den Sozial- und Geschichtswissenschaften bislang weniger Beachtung geschenkt worden als dem der "Objektivität". Der Autor setzt sich in seinem Beitrag mit zwei Fragestellungen auseinander: die eine befaßt sich mit der politischen oder ideologischen Dimension des Forschungsprozesses und der Forschungsergebnisse, die andere mit den Schlüssen, die sich hieraus für die subjektive Einstellung bzw. das leitende Interesse des Wissenschaftlers ergeben. Am Beispiel des Verhältnisses von Wissenschaft und Partei in der Anfangsphase der UdSSR werden die Grenzen aufgezeigt, bis zu denen die Parteilichkeit noch wissenschaftliche legitimiert ist. Im Anschluß hieran wird dargelegt, welche Erkenntnisfortschritte und praktisch-politische Fortschritte die richtigverstandene Parteilichkeit von Wissenschaftlern hervorbrachte. Die Parteinahme von Wissenschaftlern kann demnach durchaus ein Mechanismus sein, neue Ideen, neue Fragestellungen an die Wissenschaft heranzutragen und so deren Selbstisolierung aufzuheben. Ein Verzicht auf Parteilichkeit würde für die Humanwissenschaften ein schweres Risiko bedeuten. (NG)

THE 1980 AND 1982 AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTION STUDIES INCLUDE A NEW SERIES OF QUESTIONS ABOUT INDIVIDUAL PARTISANSHIP. IT IS POSSIBLE TO CREATE A 5-POINT SCALE OF PARTY SUPPORT/ CLOSENESS FROM THESE QUESTIONS. THE NEW MEASURE PERFORMS REASONABLY AS REGARDS ITS RELATIONSHIP TO OTHER MEASURES OF PARTSANSHIP TO ITS OWN OVER TIME, AND TO DEPENDENT BEHAVIOR. THERE IS ALSO A NEW QUESTION ON INDEPENDENCE. BUT THIS IS BEST TREATED AS A SEPARATE ITEM RATHER THAN BEING INCORPORATED IN THE PARTY SUPPORT/CLOSENESS SCALE. THE NEW MEASURE ALSO PERFORMS WELL IN MEASURING STRENGTH OF PARTISANSHIP.

THE EXTENT OF INTERGENEPATHLONAL PARTISAN TRANSFER IN WEST GERMANY WITH THE IMPACT OF SOCIOEONOMIC AND DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS IS DEALT WITH. FAMILY SOCIALIZATION EXPWERIENCES EFFECT ON THE TRANSMISSION OF PARENTAL PARTISANSHIP ARE DISCUSSED.

(Thesis) Thesis--University of Florida. ; (Bibliography) Bibliography: leaves 132-136. ; Typescript. ; Vita. ; (Statement of Responsibility) by Margaret Allen Aiesi.

Most of the variables in survey-based studies of electoral behaviour are measured only at second hand. Although sex or race can be coded from direct observation, and whether an individual voted can often be ascertained from documentary evidence, researchers must usually rely on respondents' accuracy and truthfulness in reporting attitudes and in recalling past behaviour. Both of these may involve significant biases. Research has shown that many events are underreported by survey respondents, although clearly desirable activities like voting may be overreported. Other work has suggested the likelihood that 'non-attitudes' will be reported by many respondents. When these two are compounded, so that respondents are asked to recall previous attitudes or dispositions, the danger of misrepresentation is multiplied.

Canadians are said to have weaker partisanship than Americans. Most particularly, many Canadians identify with different parties at the federal and provincial level. To what extent does this dual identification form part of a syndrome of weak partisanship, as institutionalist theories of Canadian partisanship would suggest? LISREL modeling of attitudes toward parties in the 1974-1979 panel of the Canadian National Election Studies finds little support for such an institutionalist view. Instead, Canadians have complex schemata for evaluating parties. Dual identification forms a distinct dimension. There are four other factors: temporal stability for both party identification and voting behavior, the strength of identification at both the federal and provincial levels, and separate dimensions for federal and provincial partisanship. These results provide support for a cultural/historical account, especially given the distinctiveness of schemata for Quebec and British Columbia.