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A review of key empirical findings on race, ethnicity, & criminal or delinquent behavior in the US looks at racial/ethnic disparities in three data sources: official arrest/conviction records; self-reports of victimization; & self-reports of offending. Special attention is given to why there are huge ethnic differences in official records but smaller ethnic discrepancies in self-report studies. Consideration is given to the likelihood of certain groups being omitted from self-report studies; the emphasis on minor delinquency in questionnaires; & evidence of ethnic bias in self-report studies. Possible mediators of ethnic differences in crime are examined, including IQ & the socioeconomic context of one's neighborhood. New findings from the Chicago Neighborhoods Study indicate that crime rates (as self-reported) were highest among African Americans & lowest among Mexican Americans. The results of multivariate analyses showed neighborhood disadvantage to be the most important single mediator of the violent crime difference between African Americans & Whites while neither socioeconomic status nor family structure was influential. The implications are discussed. Tables, Figures, References. J. Lindroth

Considers the status of ethnic groups that do not fall under the racist categories currently employed in public debates in the UK on race relations, drawing on the work of Michael Banton, who interrogates categories of racial dualisms as registers of current relations between ethnic & racial groups. While Banton's intent has been to privilege an individualist vision of voluntary ethnicity as the ideal of race relations, it is suggested that ethnicity predates racism as a form of collectivity that offers resources for challenging & opposing racial categorizations. Viewed in this manner, inquiry into ethnic collectivities is understood as a preconditon of defeating racism & allowing victim groups to recover social place. The work of R. Miles (eg, 1989) is drawn on to describe a perspective on racialized groups as forms of life that (1) have a reality of their own that transcends racialization, & (2) are the foundation on which antiracist efforts must build. D. M. Smith

The effects of ethnic intermarriage & immigration on the US's future racial & ethnic composition are studied. The US Census Bureau's 1997 population estimation & additional data sources measuring ethnic identification & exogamy are employed to predict the US's future racial & ethnic composition throughout the first half of the 21st century. In addition, the 1996 national population projections are utilized to estimate fertility, mortality, & international migration trends for the five primary racial categories in the US, 1995-2050. Findings indicate that the Latino & Asian population will almost quadruple by 2050; additional projections for the other three racial categories illustrate less significant increases. It is emphasized that the accuracy of such predictions is contingent on how the number of individuals with multiracial ancestries identify themselves. In light of the problems posed by increased intermarriage rates, it is concluded that the validity of current models for projecting racial populations has been seriously challenged. 10 Tables, 29 References. J. W. Parker

Examines the basic presuppositions that underpin the rational choice theory of ethnic & race relations developed by Michael Banton (eg, 1991 [see abstract 91X8195]). It is suggested that, while Banton organizes his work under one title, his ideas are actually organized into two distinct theories: a special theory of affiliation to existing groups & a general theory of formation that purports to explain how & why a given pattern of ethnic relations becomes established in the first place. Banton's special theory is described as geared to individual action with assumptions possibly applying to all cases of ethnic affiliation. Thus, Banton's special theory is taken to be falsifiable, which is not self-evidently false. The merits of this special theory must be established in systematic comparisons across ethnic groups. Critics of Banton's general theory are argued to have misinterpreted his use of methodological individualism & to have missed the main difficulty with this theory: its indeterminism. It is concluded that, while Banton's general theory is problematic in a number of ways & does not provide systematic empirical answers to crucial questions, his work has taken scholarship a large step in this direction by identifying some universal outlines of ethnic affiliation & pointing to a generalized process exclusion & monopoly. D. M. Smith

Draws on focus group data (N = 89 white college students) to argue that the immigrant analogy remains a facet of white understandings of race & ethnic relations & is deployed to deflect charges of white privilege & negate claims of racism. Four categories of respondents are identified on the basis of ethnic identity salience. While ethnicity was not a salient component of social identity for the majority of respondents, respondents from each category deployed immigrants stories directly or indirectly through critiques of racial but not ethnic identity politics. Respondents tried to present ethnic & racial histories as similar for all groups. Some look to minimize the legacy of slavery & deny the persistence of social costs of being a racial minority. Regarding racial & ethnic pride, some wish to avoid an "overexcessive" ethnic identity while others remark on the double standard that allows some groups to organize around race when any such organizing for whites is construed as racist. Viewing race relations from the perspective of ethnicity allows whites to present themselves as victims & unaccountable for current & historical social circumstances that reproduce white privilege. This color-blind lens works on an ideological level to negate that white privilege on the basis of skin color & blame racial minorities for their own problems. J. Zendejas

Describes the multiple facets of ethnicity & their impact on how ethnicity reveals itself over time & across varied settings. Difficulties involved in obtaining reliable & valid measurements of ethnicity are pointed out, especially in relation to the use of self-identification. The social constructionist approach to ethnicity is explained & racial differences in IQ are used to describe the debate surrounding genetic hypotheses. Emphasis is placed on the need to disaggregate ethnicity into its multiple components in order to test for possible mediators of ethnic effects. The various facets that need to be considered include personal group identity, religion, language, social community, intergenerational differences, social position, education, area influences, social context, lifestyle, immigration, minority status, discrimination, & genetic composition. Even though no data set can adequately cover the range of possible mediators, comparisons across ethnic groups & social contexts are crucial. It is concluded that researchers must acknowledge the analytical challenges presented by multiple identifications in order to avoid misinterpreting causal mechanisms. References. J. Lindroth

Two major waves of US immigration -- 1869-1924 & 1965-1993 -- are compared in terms of the ethnic diversification they produced & the racial conflicts that resulted in the major immigrant-receiving cities, drawing primarily on daily microfilm accounts from the New York Times of racial/ethnic collective action, both violent & nonviolent, in 76 large urban areas. It is theorized that the surge in immigration created collective mobilization among whites against people of color, spurred by increased competition for scarce resources (especially economic opportunities), which often resulted in racial violence. During the first wave, immigrants reshaped the country's ethnic national identity & reinforced the long-standing white/nonwhite racial dichotomy. During the second wave, it is contended that immigration itself, particularly the size of the immigration population, was no longer the primary cause of ethnic conflict; rather, racial diversity caused "white ethnic" immigrants to band together & seek assimilation into the native white population against immigrants of color, further cementing white/nonwhite boundaries. This is demonstrated by the increase in acts of violence against blacks & decrease in those directed at Asians during this second period. Characteristics of racial/ethnic conflicts across both periods are examined, including the size of events, level of violence, degree of organization, & participant groups; the impact of ethnic diversity on racial conflict remained positive & significant, supporting competition theory. Implications for contemporary racial relations are discussed, suggesting that, since racial/ethnic boundaries are maintained by social constructs, based largely on status & power hierarchies, there is the possibility that they can be changed. 5 Tables, 2 Figures, 81 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The influence of Algerian settler society & of the elaboration of Algerian nationalist discourse on the formation of gender identity in Algeria is examined through analysis of French settler colonization of Algeria, 1830-1962. Analysis centers on the experiences of the European settler &, Jewish, Arab, & Berber ethnic/racial groups, & emphasizes four dimensions of the settler experience in Algeria: (1) the ethnic & class structure before & during colonization & the impact of the interwoven & mutually reinforcing elements of class & ethnic divisions & alliances on the struggle for political & economic power; (2) the colonizers' definition of citizenship & the impact of racial & religious dichotomies on the construction of collective identities & different national projects; (3) the impact of women's subjectivity/agency on their resistance or reproduction of ethnic, religious, class, &/or racial role expectations; & (4) the impact of precolonial, colonial, & postcolonial diversities on the women's movement. 26 References. D. Generoli

The societies of today's world are becoming more multiethnic & multicultural as a result of massive waves of migrants seeking a better life or refugees needing asylum. But many societies resent the influx of new peoples & have taken an exclusionist stance against them, leading to ethnic conflict & violence. The book presents comparative cross-national analyses of various dimensions of nationalist attitudes, exclusionist reactions, & associations between the two. Tables, Figures. J. Stanton

Introduces an edited Vol of 16 Chpts (each abstracted) that investigates the status of the categories of race, ethnicity, & nationalism at the end of the 20th century. Despite the relativism that must accompany any comparison of these categories across cultures, it is suggested that all cultures share at least seven attributes: species life & being, language, religion, literature/art/science/technology, institutions, & transgenerational memory. It is observed that at the end of the 20th century, self-determination has been a battle cry for many ethnicities, who on the basis of one or a number of these cultural attributes proclaim the right to form a sovereign state. To obtain these dreams, ethnic groups have had to define themselves in opposition to others, & then to embed these differences in a system of social institutions that might perpetuate the ethnic identity. It is concluded that, although contributions examine a variety of contexts in which this process has occurred, they share the hope of building institutions & languages that unite rather than divide people across racial, ethnic, & national lines. D. M. Smith

Racial & gender divisions in Zimbabwe are analyzed during the precolonial period, settler colonialism, the struggle for independence, & the postindependence period. Five dimensions of the racial/ethnic & gender experience are discussed: (1) African women & settler colonialism; (2) white women & settler colonialism; (3) the Jewish community; (4) Asian/colored classifications & associated ambiguities; & (5) ethnic differences among African women. The analysis reveals a basic disjuncture between the transnational corporation & settler-dominated Zimbabwean economy & the country's indigenous African-dominated political & ideological structures & processes. The need to go beyond racialized categories of black & white or simple dichotomies between men & women in studying the Zimbabwean racial & gender experience is discussed. 70 References. D. Generoli

Explores how urban institutional frameworks have dealt with interethnic relations in light of four significant changes over the last 20 years: greatly increased ethnic diversity; polarization of urban residents along class lines; fewer jobs for persons with low skills; & scaled-back federal support. It is contended that these structural shifts have created fresh interethnic tensions that erupted in serious civil disturbances in New York, Los Angeles, Miami, & Washington, DC, by the early 1990s. Cities differed in how they mediated & reshaped interethnic relations due to their different capacities to respond as well as differing institutional configurations. While cities like Los Angeles relied on the private sector to address interethnic relations, others, including New York, acted through political channels. However, it is maintained that institutional frameworks set the parameters for policy responses in all cases. The implications of these institutional frameworks are discussed in relation to the formation of interethnic coalition building & the integration of new political actors into the political process. 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 41 References. J. Lindroth

Clarifies current conceptualizations of forms of ethnicity & race, drawing on a discussion by several scholars. It is suggested that thinking about race, ethnicity, & the relation between them would benefit from three theoretical moves: (1) reconciliation of the situationist view of ethnicity put forward by Frederik Barth (1969) with the primordialist view of culture offered by Clifford Geertz (1973) to produce an understanding of ethnicity as a primary or first order dimension of human experience that is ubiquitous, yet compelling & immediate; (2) differentiation between internal processes of group identification & external processes of social categorization; & (3) differentiation between social identities & their attendant ideologies of identification. It is argued that the third theoretical move opens a neglected area of inquiry -- ethnic ideologies -- which are neither racist nor nationalist in their primary orientation. D. M. Smith

It is argued that the justifications used by the US Census Bureau for making racial & ethnic counts of the population -- to measure progress toward racial equality & collect accurate figures for civil rights enforcement -- do not apply to its making projections regarding the future racial/ethnic composition of the country. The nature & methods of such projections are investigated here, & their use is traced to the mid-20th century, beginning with the Current Population Surveys. Reasons that the Bureau gives for making racial/ethnic projections are evaluated & then criticized for failing to incorporate future intermarriages & generational status. The potential effects of ignoring these factors are demonstrated in a historical case study (based on Census data) of four generations of Italian immigrants & their descendants. 3 Tables, 15 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Critically examines two studies on the relationship between the sociocultural contexts of a TV audience & the audience's interpretations of the program. To attribute different interpretations to ethnic differences without explanation is theoretically inadequate. A conceptual framework is needed to avoid correlating racial or ethnic difference with cultural differences. Cultural differences can be more distinct than ethnic or racial differences. Gadamer's hermeneutics is drawn on to demonstrate that our interpretations are due to our historicity. A. Lee