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National audience ; This text begins with the many possible ways of defining the stakes included in the notion of school justice. A first pattern lies in the pattern of equality of opportnity in a meritocratic approach. A second one supports the idea of breaking away from a strict conception of equality, in order to make up for social unequalities by giving more to those who have less. A third model insists on the notion of a set minimum amount of knowledge and skills to be successfully mastered before leaving school. Then a fourth one insists on the independence of "justice areas", a fair school being a school where hierarchy doesn't matter very much when leaving school, a school that cares for the integration of all, a school for which streamlining and grading don't interfere with the dignity of the person. As a matter of fact, these conceptions of justice are incompatible with each other, may be not at the level of principles, but at the level of school practices and school policy. To clarify the limits of each model, the text relies on findings belonging to the domain of the sociology of education. The conclusion is that a fair school cannot stem from a single conception of justice but results from a combination of principles that interact with each other and therefore mitigate each other's effects. ; Ce texte part de la multiplicité des manières de définir les enjeux de justice auxquels l'école fait face. Un premier modèle est celui de l'égalité des chances méritocratique. Un second invite à rompre avec la stricte égalité pour compenser les inégalités sociales en donnant plus à ceux qui ont moins. Un troisième modèle met en avant la notion d'un minimum de savoirs et de compétences garantis. Enfin, un quatrième insiste sur l'indépendance des "sphères de justice", une école juste étant celle dont les hiérarchies ont relativement peu de conséquences au sortir de l'école, celle qui est d'abord soucieuse de l'intégration sociale de tous et celle dont les classements n'affectent par l'égale dignité des individus. De fait, chacune de ces conceptions de la justice s'avère contradictoire avec les autres, sinon dans l'ordre des principes, du moins dans celui des pratiques et des politiques scolaires. Pour éclairer les limites de chacun des modèles, le texte s'appuie sur les résultats établis par la sociologie de l'éducation. La conclusion est que l'école juste ne peut être le fruit d'un seul principe de justice, mais plutôt le produit plus ou moins stabilisé d'une combinaison de principes croisés et atténuant réciproquement leurs effets.

For about one hundred and fifty years, state primary schools in moselle have remained denominational. The present organisation of state primary schools in the "departement" of moselle is still deeply influenced by a legislative decision, the falloux law, voted in 1850. The german annexation in 1871, the change of political sovereignty that took place in 1918, the restoring of the republican legality in 1944 after four years of german occupation, didn't alter that situation at all. The main purpose of this study limited to the two decades between world war 1 and world war 2 and dealing with the land which was recovered in 1918 to become the "departement" of moselle, is to find out the reasons for that legislative status quo applied to state primary schools. The work is based on two themes : first the structures, that is the schools, and second the people involved, that is the pupils and the teachers. The very purpose of this study may justify its two-point structure which has the advandage to make a complex question casier to grasp, that question being the relationship between the state and the catholic church in a land annexed in 1871 and which became part of the french nation again in 1918 ; Depuis près de cent-cinquante ans, l'enseignement primaire public mosellan est resté confessionnel. L'organisation actuelle de l'enseignement primaire public, dans le département de la Moselle, garde la marque profonde d'un texte législatif, la loi Falloux, voté en 1850. Ni l'annexion allemande de 1871, ni le changement de souveraineté politique intervenu en 1918, ni le rétablissement de la légalité républicaine en 1944, après quatre années d'occupation nazie, ne modifièrent cet état de chose. La recherche des causes de l'immobilisme du droit s'appliquant aux écoles primaires publiques constitue la principale motivation de cette étude, limitée aux deux décennies de l'entre-deux-guerres, circonscrite au territoire recouvre en 1918, devenu département de la Moselle. La présentation s'articule autour de deux thèmes : les ...

For about one hundred and fifty years, state primary schools in moselle have remained denominational. The present organisation of state primary schools in the "departement" of moselle is still deeply influenced by a legislative decision, the falloux law, voted in 1850. The german annexation in 1871, the change of political sovereignty that took place in 1918, the restoring of the republican legality in 1944 after four years of german occupation, didn't alter that situation at all. The main purpose of this study limited to the two decades between world war 1 and world war 2 and dealing with the land which was recovered in 1918 to become the "departement" of moselle, is to find out the reasons for that legislative status quo applied to state primary schools. The work is based on two themes : first the structures, that is the schools, and second the people involved, that is the pupils and the teachers. The very purpose of this study may justify its two-point structure which has the advandage to make a complex question casier to grasp, that question being the relationship between the state and the catholic church in a land annexed in 1871 and which became part of the french nation again in 1918 ; Depuis près de cent-cinquante ans, l'enseignement primaire public mosellan est resté confessionnel. L'organisation actuelle de l'enseignement primaire public, dans le département de la Moselle, garde la marque profonde d'un texte législatif, la loi Falloux, voté en 1850. Ni l'annexion allemande de 1871, ni le changement de souveraineté politique intervenu en 1918, ni le rétablissement de la légalité républicaine en 1944, après quatre années d'occupation nazie, ne modifièrent cet état de chose. La recherche des causes de l'immobilisme du droit s'appliquant aux écoles primaires publiques constitue la principale motivation de cette étude, limitée aux deux décennies de l'entre-deux-guerres, circonscrite au territoire recouvre en 1918, devenu département de la Moselle. La présentation s'articule autour de deux thèmes : les ...

The aim of this thesis is to reveal the social and political implications of African-American rap music focusing on its most controversial as well as most popular genre, gangsta rap, and to provide a better understanding of the nihilistic gangsta discourse through a textual analysis. The social rooting of rap music and the media construction of the ghetto phenomenon usually tend to reduce hip hop to a pathological ghetto culture and to qualify the rappers' discourse as obscene and amoral. The purpose of this study is to attempt to move beyond the outrageous character of rap, apprehending it in its own literary complexity and thereby ultimately revealing its social-political dimension in respect to the social, historical, political, economical and cultural parameters ; L'objet de cette thèse est de mettre au jour les implications sociales et politiques du dernier genre musical populaire afro-américain, le rap et plus particulièrement de tenter de réhabiliter son sous-genre le plus controversé comme le plus populaire, le gangsta rap, d'éclairer son discours pour en révéler également les dimensions contestataires. Nous sommes partie du postulat que l'enracinement social du rap et la construction médiatique autour du phénomène des ghettos tend généralement à réduire la culture hip hop à une culture de ghetto présentant des traits pathologiques ou à qualifier la démarche des rappeurs d'obscène, d'amorale et de racoleuse. L'objectif de cette étude était donc de dépasser le caractère superficiel et outré du rap pour l'appréhender dans toute sa complexité et dévoiler à travers une analyse textuelle sa dimension socio-politique en tenant compte des divers paramètres socio-historiques, politiques et économiques et culturels

The aim of this thesis is to reveal the social and political implications of African-American rap music focusing on its most controversial as well as most popular genre, gangsta rap, and to provide a better understanding of the nihilistic gangsta discourse through a textual analysis. The social rooting of rap music and the media construction of the ghetto phenomenon usually tend to reduce hip hop to a pathological ghetto culture and to qualify the rappers' discourse as obscene and amoral. The purpose of this study is to attempt to move beyond the outrageous character of rap, apprehending it in its own literary complexity and thereby ultimately revealing its social-political dimension in respect to the social, historical, political, economical and cultural parameters ; L'objet de cette thèse est de mettre au jour les implications sociales et politiques du dernier genre musical populaire afro-américain, le rap et plus particulièrement de tenter de réhabiliter son sous-genre le plus controversé comme le plus populaire, le gangsta rap, d'éclairer son discours pour en révéler également les dimensions contestataires. Nous sommes partie du postulat que l'enracinement social du rap et la construction médiatique autour du phénomène des ghettos tend généralement à réduire la culture hip hop à une culture de ghetto présentant des traits pathologiques ou à qualifier la démarche des rappeurs d'obscène, d'amorale et de racoleuse. L'objectif de cette étude était donc de dépasser le caractère superficiel et outré du rap pour l'appréhender dans toute sa complexité et dévoiler à travers une analyse textuelle sa dimension socio-politique en tenant compte des divers paramètres socio-historiques, politiques et économiques et culturels

The school project allows both the perception of the meaning of the actor's own words and the confrontation between what they say and what theu do. Its relation to pupil'attainments is lesseffective than in the case of a technical device created to allow the objectivation of the social reality of school failure. The project is a witness of differences, in the sense that educational logics have also an effect.The analysis of the social discourse is an effective starting point to the observation of thedemocratization process : the elitist secondary schools (or junior high-schools) arethe best ones. The schoolprojects may be distinguished by the choice they madebetween reinforcing technological education, detecting educational difficulties, modernization or optional forms leading to a streaming process. The values which inform these projects can be organized in significatif networks of different types : industrial, compensatory, modernising, elitist or conservatist ones. The study of the school balance according to the type of project highlights the fact that pupil's achievements are geater, and they repeat less, within the group of projects which reveals lesser implication with the reform objectives, than in the group of projectswith a heightened implication level. Working class children succeed better withinschools having an elitist orientation than in schools having an industrial or a modernizing one. Orientation towards a technological third form are more frequent in modernizing or compensatory schools.No type of secondary school succeeds inreducing the social gap between attainment levels : the conservatist and the industrial ones muliply it by four, the elitist ones seeming to be less injust, as theyonly double it. No project of any type will optimize pupil's aspiration level : it's inside industrial and compensatrory schools that pupil's orientation project reveals a bigger discouragement in frequenting high-school until the last year. ; Le projet permet de saisir les acteurs à travers ce qu'ils disent, et ...