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Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydała na przestrzeni ostatnich piętnastu lat kilka rezolucji dotyczących roli kobiet w zapobieganiu konfliktom oraz budowaniu pokoju. Pierwszą i przełomową była rezolucja 1325 (2000), w której podkreślono istotne znaczenie równego i pełnego uczestnictwa kobiet w zapobieganiu i rozwiązywaniu konfliktów, budowaniu i utrzymaniu pokoju. Udział kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych czy szerzej działaniach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa jest istotny m.in. dlatego, że istnieje o 35% większa szansa, że porozumienia pokojowe wynegocjowane z udziałem kobiet potrwają co najmniej 15 lat. Artykuł skupia się na instrumentach Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w zakresie zapewnienia większego udziału kobiet w utrzymaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz rezultatach wdrażania tych instrumentów. ; The UN Security Council issued several resolutions over the last fifteen years regarding the role of women in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Resolution 1325 (2000) came first and marked a watershed stressing the importance of equal and full participation of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and building and maintaining peace. The participation of women in peace negotiations or broader activities for peace and security is important, among other things, because there is a 35% greater chance that peace agreements negotiated by women will last at least 15 years. The article focuses on the UN Security Council instruments to ensure greater participation of women in maintaining peace and security and the results of mplementing these instruments.

Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydała na przestrzeni ostatnich piętnastu lat kilka rezolucji dotyczących roli kobiet w zapobieganiu konfliktom oraz budowaniu pokoju. Pierwszą i przełomową była rezolucja 1325 (2000), w której podkreślono istotne znaczenie równego i pełnego uczestnictwa kobiet w zapobieganiu i rozwiązywaniu konfliktów, budowaniu i utrzymaniu pokoju. Udział kobiet w negocjacjach pokojowych czy szerzej działaniach na rzecz pokoju i bezpieczeństwa jest istotny m.in. dlatego, że istnieje o 35% większa szansa, że porozumienia pokojowe wynegocjowane z udziałem kobiet potrwają co najmniej 15 lat. Artykuł skupia się na instrumentach Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w zakresie zapewnienia większego udziału kobiet w utrzymaniu pokoju i bezpieczeństwa oraz rezultatach wdrażania tych instrumentów. ; The UN Security Council issued several resolutions over the last fifteen years regarding the role of women in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Resolution 1325 (2000) came first and marked a watershed stressing the importance of equal and full participation of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and building and maintaining peace. The participation of women in peace negotiations or broader ac-tivities for peace and security is important, among other things, because there is a 35% greater chance that peace agreements negotiated by women will last at least 15 years. The article focuses on the UN Security Council instruments to ensure greater partici-pation of women in maintaining peace and security and the results of implementing these instruments.

Peace is conditioned by independence. This affirmation has its origin in Church's teaching. The independence of states is based on the subjective nature of nations and ultimately on the right to freedom enjoyed by all citizens. The development of political communities which is built upon the subjectivity their members can be achieved when the normative moral order is observed, most importantly the personal responsibility. The independence of nations fosters the international peace, especially taking into account the two state constituting factors: nation and power. The first one, namely the nation, shapes the spiritual element of the state. In order to promote the peace in the world, we must respect the national rights that include the right to recognition, sovereignty, autonomy, national culture and language as well as the integrated growth. The latter one, the power, is a necessary condition for the political communities to function and strive towards the common good. The political power which observes the normative moral order gives incentives and support for the citizens to progress and to introduce the principle of solidarity on the global scale. Therefore, it can be concluded that the national independence stimulates the peace on the national as well as the international level. ; Niepodległość jest warunkiem pokoju. Owa zasada ma swoje źródło w dokumentach nauczania społecznego Kościoła. Niepodległość poszczególnych państw jest ukonstytuowana na podmiotowości narodów, a ostatecznie – na prawie do wolności poszczególnych obywateli. Rozwój wspólnot politycznych, oparty na podmiotowości obywateli, jest możliwy przy zachowaniu obiektywnego porządku moralnego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odpowiedzialności. Niepodległość warunkuje pokój w świecie, szczególnie w zakresie dwóch elementów składowych państwa: narodu i władzy. Naród w zasadniczym stopniu określa pierwiastek duchowy państwa. Zagwarantowanie pokoju w świecie jest nieodzownie związane z respektowaniem praw narodu, pośród których wymienia się następujące: prawo do istnienia narodu, prawo do samostanowienia i niepodległości, prawo do własnej kultury i języka oraz prawo do integralnego rozwoju. Drugim z elementów składowych niepodległych państw – wpływających na pokój – jest władza. W nauczaniu społecznym Kościoła wskazuje się na nieodzowność władzy w funkcjonowaniu wspólnot, skoncentrowanych na urzeczywistnianiu zasady dobra wspólnego. Władza, aprobująca obiektywny porządek moralny, inicjuje i zachęca obywateli do rozwoju, by na coraz większą skalę była urzeczywistniana solidarność w świecie. Niepodległość państw stymuluje więc pokój zarówno w wymiarze pojedynczych państw, jak też w ramach stosunków globalnych.

Niepodległość jest warunkiem pokoju. Owa zasada ma swoje źródło w dokumentach nauczania społecznego Kościoła. Niepodległość poszczególnych państw jest ukonstytuowana na podmiotowości narodów, a ostatecznie – na prawie do wolności poszczególnych obywateli. Rozwój wspólnot politycznych, oparty na podmiotowości obywateli, jest możliwy przy zachowaniu obiektywnego porządku moralnego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odpowiedzialności. Niepodległość warunkuje pokój w świecie, szczególnie w zakresie dwóch elementów składowych państwa: narodu i władzy. Naród w zasadniczym stopniu określa pierwiastek duchowy państwa. Zagwarantowanie pokoju w świecie jest nieodzownie związane z respektowaniem praw narodu, pośród których wymienia się następujące: prawo do istnienia narodu, prawo do samostanowienia i niepodległości, prawo do własnej kultury i języka oraz prawo do integralnego rozwoju. Drugim z elementów składowych niepodległych państw – wpływających na pokój – jest władza. W nauczaniu społecznym Kościoła wskazuje się na nieodzowność władzy w funkcjonowaniu wspólnot, skoncentrowanych na urzeczywistnianiu zasady dobra wspólnego. Władza, aprobująca obiektywny porządek moralny, inicjuje i zachęca obywateli do rozwoju, by na coraz większą skalę była urzeczywistniana solidarność w świecie. Niepodległość państw stymuluje więc pokój zarówno w wymiarze pojedynczych państw, jak też w ramach stosunków globalnych. ; Peace is conditioned by independence. This affirmation has its origin in Church's teaching. The independence of states is based on the subjective nature of nations and ultimately on the right to freedom enjoyed by all citizens. The development of political communities which is built upon the subjectivity their members can be achieved when the normative moral order is observed, most importantly the personal responsibility. The independence of nations fosters the international peace, especially taking into account the two state constituting factors: nation and power. The first one, namely the nation, shapes the spiritual element of the state. In order to promote the peace in the world, we must respect the national rights that include the right to recognition, sovereignty, autonomy, national culture and language as well as the integrated growth. The latter one, the power, is a necessary condition for the political communities to function and strive towards the common good. The political power which observes the normative moral order gives incentives and support for the citizens to progress and to introduce the principle of solidarity on the global scale. Therefore, it can be concluded that the national independence stimulates the peace on the national as well as the international level.

This paper discusses Helena Radlinska's (1879-1954) international activity. Helena Radlińska was the initiator of social pedagogy in Poland but her activities abroad in 1918-1939 is not yet known. Her works, their scope, aims and directions were interconnected with the largest european centres of education: International Congress of Moral Education in London, International Office of Education in Geneva, International Leuge of New Socialization in Geneva, Association of International Conferences of Adult Education in England and International Conferences of Social Services in Paris. Her engagement for many years in these organizations led to multiple social and institutional achievements together with scientific, methodological and methodical developments. Along this route the main life achievement in Radlinska's life- the development of a discipline of social pedaogogy, connects the development of individuals with insvestment in social and cultural spehere of life. Radlinska's activity makes Warsaw of her times one of the core places of international cooperation in the field of education, socialisation and social work.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

*This is an English version of an original article: Yavuz Yildirim, "Los Efectos Del Movimiento Del Parque Gezi En La Renovacion Del Debate Sobre La Democratizacion En Turquia" in: Un Retrato De La Turquia Contemporanea (eds. Federico Donelli, Alessia Chiriatti, Manuel Férez), Mexico: Universidad Anahuac Mexico, 2016, pp. 299-310.The text presents the history of attempts at democratization of the political system in Turkey, where despite the nominal presence of democratic institutions, changes traditionally have come from the top. Following a brief presentation of the unsuccessful civil movements from the 1970s onwards, it focuses on the 2010s transition in approaches to building democratic culture, and in particular on the Gezi Park resistance, where a relatively minor local issue sparked a country-wide citizens' protest against the conservative democracy of the ruling AK Party. The event is shown as an entirely new type of protest, a spontaneous civil movement with horizontal structure, inspired by the Occupy movements, and an expression of the new generation's approach to politics. It also gave rise to a movement which contributed to rethinking the Turkish democratization process by breaking with the established thinking with a bottom-to-top approach.

There are two passages in the Book of Revelation where the author evokes the subject of peace (Rev 1:4; 6:4) and, through analysis, we can detect semantic connections between them. God is presented as the source and owner of peace, offering it to human beings (Rev 1:4). Then again, God also allows the second horseman, after the breaking of the seal, to take peace from the earth (Rev 6:4). The union between peace and love/mercy is dependent upon receiving charis from God (Rev 6:4), the result being peace in the world and in the human heart. It implies the need to love one another, with the lack of it leading to hostility (Rev 6:4). The author strengthened that reflection by a series of sensory depictions of peace, in Rev 7:15b-17 and Rev 21:1–22:5, where peace is manifested as an internal experience. On a personal level, the emphasis lies on the value of an individual's decision to turn to God and thus receive the blessings of peace. ; Autor natchniony Apokalipsy św. Jana dwukrotnie przywołuje pojęcie pokoju – w Ap 1,4 i 6,4. Analiza ukazuje istniejące między tymi fragmentami powiązania semantyczne. Bóg zostaje przedstawiony jako posiadający i oferujący pokój człowiekowi, jak również dopuszczający usunięcie go z ziemi. Powiązanie pokoju z miłością uzależnia jego posiadanie od przyjęcia Bożej charis (Ap 1,4), a zarazem lokując go na pozycji owocu takiej relacji wskazuje, że tam, gdzie nie ma pokoju nie będzie też miłości ofiarowywanej drugiemu człowiekowi, a jedynie wrogość (Ap 6,4). Autor natchniony wzmacnia przekonanie dotyczące wagi pokoju wprowadzając obrazy Ap 7,15b-17; Ap 21,1-22,5, które swoją sensorycznością kreują w odbiorcy doświadczenie. Personalizm odniesień podkreśla wagę ludzkiej decyzji w przyjęciu/podjęciu/zwróceniu się do Boga o ten dar.

Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.

Without doubt, tension between Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey's future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey's political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey's future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey's social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of "what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?" In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.

The paper deals with the issue of the professional promotion of women working in the aca- demic sector, in the context of Poland's membership of the European Union. The authors discuss European legal requirements in this respect in order to assess the state of implementation of the recommendations issued by the European Commission and the European Parliament, and included in the European Charter for Researchers and the Code of Conduct for the Recruitment of Researchers in Poland. Next, using statistical data from the 2007 and 2011 re- ports of the Central Statistical Office, the authors describe the proportion of women in the structures of academic workers at different levels of academic career and attempt to explain the conditions of the situation they identify. A considerable part of the paper concerns the results of pilot studies carried out among female academics of the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism of Adam Mickiewicz University for the purpose of this paper. Finally, the authors recommend concrete solutions for changing the legal and institutional conditions in order to increase the number of female academics. ; The paper deals with the issue of the professional promotion of women working in the aca- demic sector, in the context of Poland's membership of the European Union. The authors discuss European legal requirements in this respect in order to assess the state of implementation of the recommendations issued by the European Commission and the European Parliament, and included in the European Charter for Researchers and the Code of Conduct for the Recruitment of Researchers in Poland. Next, using statistical data from the 2007 and 2011 re- ports of the Central Statistical Office, the authors describe the proportion of women in the structures of academic workers at different levels of academic career and attempt to explain the conditions of the situation they identify. A considerable part of the paper concerns the results of pilot studies carried out among female academics of the Faculty of Political Science and Journalism of Adam Mickiewicz University for the purpose of this paper. Finally, the authors recommend concrete solutions for changing the legal and institutional conditions in order to increase the number of female academics.