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Since prehistoric eras, people have expressed their emotions and ideas on the walls. With the invention of writing and fast development of technology, murals also have evolved and gained new dimensions. Graffiti, which is a type of mural, has its place among street arts with its oldest historical background. It is scribbled, scratched or painted on the city walls; hence, they become a protest communication tool with implicit messages. This study discusses the graffiti in the streets of Nicosia regarding the protection of fundamental universal rights and freedoms of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual and intersexual (LGBTI) individuals and communities that conduct activities towards the raising awareness about such matters. The LGBTI-themed graffiti, which are analyzed in the current research, have been collected from the North Nicosia streets during the last five years. The semiotic analysis of all the LGBTI-themed graffiti indicates that these graffiti provide the marginalized communities and individuals with a tool to express their suppressed feelings, to protest the negative reaction toward them, and also to redefine their presence in the society and occupy the urban area. This study offers the first analysis and investigation into the LGBTI-themed graffiti in the North Nicosia.

Pouco mais de uma década de experimentação criativa de implementação de políticas públicas de direitos humanos de lésbicas, gays, bissexuais, travestis, transexuais, intersexos e outras identidades não cis-heteronormativas (LGBTI+), assistimos a ascensão da extrema direita ao Governo Federal e um fenômeno pelo qual a Ciência Política vem chamando por "desinstitucionalização". O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar o processo de desinstitucionalização que atualmente ocorre no subsistema de políticas públicas LGBTI+ no Brasil sob a gestão da pastora evangélica Damares Alves no então denominado Ministério da Mulher, da Família e dos Direitos Humanos no âmbito do Governo Bolsonaro (2019-atual). Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, realizei análises documentais sobre textos jornalísticos e outros gêneros textuais disponibilizados na internet. Dentre os principais resultados estão o fim da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização, Diversidade e Inclusão do Ministério da Educação; o fim das campanhas específicas e direcionadas de prevenção às IST/Aids; a extinção do Conselho Nacional de Combate à Discriminação e Promoção dos Direitos de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais; a não-realização da 4ª Conferência Nacional LGBT, entre outras ações.

This article argues that public space is important for marginalised communities in order to ensure visibility and presence in public life. Often minority groups are excluded from democratic procedures which favour majority interests and preferences. This is not to say that minority interests are incompatible with those of the majority but some marginalised groups are not anchored in public space, can suffer discriminatory treatment and lack the ability to control dominant, usually negative, ascriptions of group identity. This article explores two cases of marginalised communities and access to public space in post-socialist Europe: Roma and the LGBTI communities. Both communities have attempted to ensure their presence in public space through 'Pride' parades across Central and Eastern European capitals. The purpose of pride parades is to demand rights as citizens, such as equality and respect, and to ensure visibility in public life. On the one hand, visibility is important for LGBTI communities who remain relatively hidden and fear 'coming out'. On the other hand, for Roma, who are highly visible, pride offers an opportunity to harness this visibility to challenge prevailing negative stereotypes through an affirmation of group identity.

Title: Analysis of the Case NH contra Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford. Abstract: The present article is an analysis of the Case NH v. Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford del TJUE Case C 507/18. In this particular case there is a clash between different rights such as access to labour, freedom of speech and the right to a life free from discrimination. With regards to access to labour, its extent will be studied, specifically relating to whether a current job call is necessary or not for it to be violated. The value of words in respect of freedom of speech and its reach will be analysed. Moreover, the situation of the LGBTIQ+ people in the European Union will be analysed. ; Fil: Minaggia, Gabriela. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho. Buenos Aires, Argentina ; Segunda época - Antigua Revista Electrónica de la Cátedra Jean Monnet (2013 - 2019). -- Cofinanciada por la Unión Europea (UE). --Programa Erasmus, acrónimo de European Region Action Scheme for the Mobility of University Students (Plan de Acción de la Comunidad Europea para la Movilidad de Estudiantes Universitarios). -- Resumen: En el presente artículo se realiza un análisis del caso NH contra Associazione Avvocatura per i diritti LGBTI - Rete Lenford del TJUE Asunto C 507/18. En el caso de referencia se encuentran en pugna derechos como el acceso al trabajo, la libertad de expresión y el derecho a una vida libre de discriminación. Con respecto al acceso al trabajo, se estudiará la extensión del mismo, específicamente respecto de si es necesaria o no una convocatoria actual para que éste sea vulnerado. Se analizará el valor de las palabras en relación a la libertad de expresión y el alcance de las mismas. Asimismo, se analizará la situación del colectivo LGBTIQ+ en la Unión Europea.

Presenting the results from a survey exploring the understanding by emergency services personnel of the specific needs of LGBTI people before, during and after emergencies. The survey is part of a larger project assisting the emergency management sector to develop LGBTI-inclusive practices.

Since its inception, International Human Rights Law has been concerned with protecting those most exposed to violence and discrimination. However, their development in the aftermath of World War II ignored LGBTI people. The acknowledgment of this group as subjects of human rights has progressed slowly but inexorably. A good example of this is the 1950 European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Although its provisions do not mention LGBTI people, it has eventually included them in its scope thanks to the case-law of the Court of Strasbourg. The same tendency is echoed in the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. As a result, the refugee definition has evolved to accommodate persons who are very different in all probability from the people conceived by its drafters. Since the 1980s, LGBTI asylum-seekers have gradually acceded to refugee status. This is no small achievement. All too often, the violence suffered by these people is perpetrated while national authorities remain impassive or even participate in the oppression. Against this backdrop, many LGBTI people are forced to flee their countries of origin seeking the protection their States cannot or refuse to provide. However, the definition of refugee of the Geneva Convention fails to address issues of gender, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression and sexual characteristics, being more suitable to protect a male, European, cisgender and heterosexual refugee than an LGBTI asylum seeker. Although persecution on the grounds of sexual orientation or gender identity is now widely accepted in International Refugee Law, LGBTI asylum applications present a high degree of complexity, leading to many and varied issues affecting every element of the refugee definition. A sizeable number of these refugees flee to European States, whose societies portray themselves to the outside world as the strongest bulwarks of the LGBTI. However, European States are currently caught up in a primarily securitarian logic that sees refugees and irregular migrants as threats to their security, stability and "European way of life". As a result, regulations governing asylum status and procedures have been developing in an increasingly repressive way. The crisis of the Common European Asylum System that followed the arrival of large numbers of asylum seekers has led to a "new normal" in which the limitation of the rights of asylum seekers is not only legitimate and possible, but also desirable. In this thesis, we examine how this approach to migration affects LGBTI asylum seekers.

Introduction -- Transnational spaces of resistance -- Transforming conditions of feminist and LGBTI+ activism -- Solidarities across. Borders, belongings, movements -- Spaces of appearance and the right to appear. Transnational aspects of March 8 in local bodily assemblies -- Conclusion.

Resumo: O artigo, fruto de investigação qualitativa e descritiva, objetivou analisar como vem se constituindo no Rio Grande do Sul o tratamento penal de pessoas LGBTI+ privadas de liberdade. Para a coleta de dados, foi utilizado um roteiro junto às 125 casas prisionais do estado, tendo uma taxa de 48,8% de respostas que foram analisadas a partir da análise textual discursiva. Os resultados apontam para um tratamento penal violador de direitos e que responde de maneira incompleta às demandas dessa população.

This survey was conducted to better understand the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) people in seven countries in Southeastern Europe: five in the Western Balkans - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, FYR Macedonia, and Montenegro; as well as two European Union (EU) member states, Croatia and Slovenia. The research adopted and adapted a 2012 survey of LGBT people carried out by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) in 27 EU countries plus Croatia (which joined the EU in 2013) (the "FRA survey"). The FRA survey set a benchmark for understanding the lives of LGBT people. In addition to the FRA survey, this current survey also gathered specific information on the lives of intersex people.

What do struggles for women's and LGBTI+ rights in Russia, Turkey and the Scandinavian countries have in common? And what can actors who struggle for rights and justice in these contexts learn from each other? Based on a multisited ethnography of feminist and LGBTI+ activisms across Russia, Turkey and the Scandinavian countries, this Open Access book explores transnational struggles on various levels, from the micro-scale of the everyday to large-scale, spectacular events. Drawing on ethnographic insights and encounters from various sites, this book conceptualizes resistance as situated in the grey zone between barely perceptible, even hidden or covert, forms of mundane activist practices and highly visible street protests, gathering large crowds. Taking the reader beyond the dichotomies of visible/invisible and public/private, this book advances new understandings of resistance, solidarity, and activism in transnationalizing feminist and queer struggles, illustrated by rich ethnographic case studies from Russia, Scandinavia and Turkey.