Suchergebnisse

In the history of Spanish constitutionalism, progressive texts have included several provisions of a secular character, as in the case of the draft federal Constitution of 1873 and, especially, the Republican Constitution of 1931 and the various regulations adopted during the Second Republic, as well as the period of the Sexenio Democrático, in contrast to the setback of the Restoration period and, particularly, the Franco period, during which Catholicism became the official State religion, as part of the special treatment which the Catholic Church obtained in its relations with the State. The current Constitution of 1978 restored the secular spirit of the Republican period within a framework of respectful relations with the Catholic Church. In this context, the successive democratic governments have devised their educational policies, in which secular principles have depended on the political colour of the various cabinets and the distribution of parliamentary seats, against the background of the agreements between the Spanish State and the Holy See of 1979. ; En la historia del constitucionalismo español, los textos progresistas contemplan diversas disposiciones de carácter laicista, como es el caso del proyecto de Constitución federal de 1873 y, especialmente, la Constitución republicana de 1931 y las distintas disposiciones legislativas aprobadas durante la II República, además de la etapa del Sexenio democrático, en contraposición con el retroceso que representa la época de la Restauración y particularmente el franquismo, en el que el catolicismo se convierte en la religión oficial del Estado, de acuerdo con el especial tratamiento que consigue la Iglesia en sus relaciones con el Estado. La actual Constitución de 1978 retoma el espíritu laico de la etapa republicana en el marco de unas relaciones de respeto con la Iglesia católica. En este contexto, los gobiernos democráticos han elaborado sus políticas educativas, en las que los principios laicos dependen del color político de los gabinetes ministeriales y ...

AbstractThis article argues for a transregional historical approach to explain the career of political secularism, i.e. the ideas and practices that inform the modern state's relationship to and administration of religion, in the 20th century. More specifically, it asks in how far we can understand secularism in South and Southeast Asia between the end of the First World War and decolonisation after 1945 as a result of transregional patterns that evolved within and beyond these regions. The argument is based on three brief case studies on Atatürk's Turkey as a contested source of inspiration for state secularity and religious reform, regional women's networks to foster secularism and social change in the 1930s, and secularism as a strategy of postcolonial state-building and territorial integration. Conceptually, the article suggests to use global intellectual history as a means to combine research on connectivity with historical comparison.

En la historia del constitucionalismo español, los textos progresistas contemplan diversas disposiciones de carácter laicista, como es el caso del proyecto de Constitución federal de 1873 y, especialmente, la Constitución republicana de 1931 y las distintas disposiciones legislativas aprobadas durante la II República, además de la etapa del Sexenio democrático, en contraposición con el retroceso que representa la época de la Restauración y particularmente el franquismo, en el que el catolicismo se convierte en la religión oficial del Estado, de acuerdo con el especial tratamiento que consigue la Iglesia en sus relaciones con el Estado. La actual Constitución de 1978 retoma el espíritu laico de la etapa republicana en el marco de unas relaciones de respeto con la Iglesia católica. En este contexto, los gobiernos democráticos han elaborado sus políticas educativas, en las que los principios laicos dependen del color político de los gabinetes ministeriales y el reparto de escaños parlamentarios, en el marco de los Acuerdos entre el Estado y la Santa Sede de 1979. ; In the history of Spanish constitutionalism, progressive texts have included several provisions of a secular character, as in the case of the draft federal Constitution of 1873 and, especially, the Republican Constitution of 1931 and the various regulations adopted during the Second Republic, as well as the period of the Sexenio Democrático, in contrast to the setback of the Restoration period and, particularly, the Franco period, during which Catholicism became the official State religion, as part of the special treatment which the Catholic Church obtained in its relations with the State. The current Constitution of 1978 restored the secular spirit of the Republican period within a framework of respectful relations with the Catholic Church. In this context, the successive democratic governments have devised their educational policies, in which secular principles have depended on the political colour of the various cabinets and the distribution of parliamentary seats, against the background of the agreements between the Spanish State and the Holy See of 1979.

Along with the US, France remains among the most impacted Western countries by Islamist terrorism. To explain radicalization in the French context, researchers have emphasized the country's specificities such as colonialism and secularism (i.e. "Laïcité") as risk factors. This "French connection" thesis (FCT) proposes that France experiences abnormally high radicalization rates among its Muslim population due to a radical form of State secularism, specific approach to colonialism ("assimilationist"), and the socio-educational disparities affecting French Muslims. For the first time, we propose to closely examine FCT in light of current empirical research on the determinants of radicalization. First, we demonstrate that FCT relies on a flawed premise: domestic radicalization in France is average relative to comparable liberal democracies. We then show that FCT is not in line with current social-psychological knowledge of the determinants of radicalization (e.g. education, socio-economic disparities) and relies on conflations between confounded societal risk factors (e.g. "radical" secularism as a correlate of far-right ideology). As an alternative to FCT, we conclude that structural discrimination and the recent surge in far-right and Islamist ideologies better account for domestic radicalization in France. We also propose that French historical secularism and colorblind values may actually constitute protective factors to be further investigated.

AbstractBetween 2014 and 2022, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) made a determined bid to establish its electoral and discursive dominance in regions beyond its traditional strongholds in Northern and Western India. In the North-east, in the Christian-majority states of Mizoram, Meghalaya, and Nagaland, it encountered fierce hostility from the Church which exercised a hegemonic control over the religious, social, and political life in these states. This article focuses on the political tussle between the BJP and the Church in this time period and attempts to explore the deeper ideological contestations and competing narratives underlying this struggle and their implications for the Indian political discourse. These include contestations over the very conceptualization of secular democracy in India and the role of religion in it; different understandings of religious conversions and freedom of conscience; and the conflicting agendas around the categories of 'tribe', 'indigenous people'/'adivasi', and 'janjati'/'vanvasi'.