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Political scientists and sociologists trying to understand union politics have concentrated on formal constitutional provisions, elections, officer turnover, and the existence of structured groups within the unions as indicators of trade union democracy. A consequence of this approach has been the emergence of theories which have little wider applicability beyond the empirical situation to which they are tailored. While most scholars have assumed that membership participation is essential to democratic union organization, they have failed to develop a theory based explicitly on this. This paper, drawing from material on trade unions in South India, suggests that a theory of trade union democracy based on membership participation in union affairs offers promise of a comparative approach.

With the possible exception of Chile no other country in 1976 received as much critical American public and press attention as did Korea. Almost to the exclusion of other issues, the criticism has been directed to the denial of human rights. Press stories, editorials, letters to the editor, Congressional hearings and legislative restrictions, TV documentaries, church newsletters—all have deplored the erosion of civil liberties in South Korea. And as the criticisms mounted, more and more voices, including those from among the ranks of Korea's traditional friends, began calling for a reduction of United States military and economic support to this country, the rebirth of whose independence was gained, at a tremendous cost in American blood and treasure.

In the rhetoric of United States foreign relations, the countries of Latin America occupy a very special place. They are 'our sister republics', 'the Good Neighbours', fellow members of a unique international system, and so on. The reality, not surprisingly, is different. Because of the vast disparity of power between the United States and Latin America, relations between them are inherently delicate and subject to strains. The issue of 'intervention' by the United States in the internal and external affairs of the Latin American countries is ever present, whether it is a matter of marines being sent into a small Caribbean republic or of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) 'destabilizing' a major South American government.

Decolonisation is the great revolution of the twentieth century. Since the opening of the first U.N. General Assembly in 1946, over one billion people inhabiting 76 new states – nearly one-third of the human race – have attained political independence as of 1974. But until the final demise of external domination is achieved, the tasks of decolonisation are not yet complete. There remain the intractable problems of Southern Africa, as well as a variety of small territories still under alien rule. Given recent indications of the politicisation of blacks in the white redoubt, as well as the independence of Mozambique and Angola, it is a particularly appropriate time to take stock of the decolonisation movement.

When Lesotho approached independence in 1966, most Basotho intellectuals were confident that their country would not fall prey to the trend toward authoritarianism and the disregard for civil liberties evident in other parts of Africa. Such optimism was based on several unique dimensions of their national experience. Unlike most African states, Lesotho comprised a single people who shared common language, culture, and political identity. A long tradition of free speech and participatory government was reinforeced by considerable experience with competitive political parties and the Westminster parliamentary system. Broad political awareness, spurred by the highest literacy rate in Black Africa, enhanced Basotho determination to provide a model of stable, democratic institutions, in contrast to the repressive apartheid structure of the omnipresent Republic of South Africa.

Throughout European history the aristocracy has been involved in reform movements which undermined either ecclesiastical or monarchical power structures. Thus the nobles of southern France in the twelfth century granted protection to the Cathars, and in fourteenth-century England lords and knights offered aid to the Lollards. The support of German princes and knights for Lutheranism is well known, as is the instrumental role played by the French aristocracy in initiating the constitutional reforms which gave birth to that nation's eighteenth-century revolution. The fifteenth-century Hussite reform movement in Bohemia similarly received aid from the noble class. Here, when the Hussites were under attack in 1417 from the authorities, especially the archbishop, sympathetic lords protected Hussite priests on their domains.

In September 1928, the members of the Waterside Workers Federation went on strike, paralysing South Australia's main harbour, Port Adelaide. Their places were taken by men who volunteered to load and unload the ships. When the strike collapsed the Stevedoring Company responsible for hiring workers for the waterfront continued to employ the men whose volunteer labour had broken the strike, in preference to members of the Waterside Workers Federation. Preferential treatment of "volunteers" continued and, as the Depression worsened and unemployment increased, this meant that Union members were less and less likely to get work on the waterfront. Such economic pressure, when combined with an instinctive hatred of the strikebreakers, produced continual clashes between the Unionists and the "volunteers".

You may remember Quang Tri. It was the scene of one of the fiercest and "last" battles of that phase of the Vietnam war that ended when peace broke out in Paris. Eighty-five per cent of the land in this northernmost province of South Vietnam is now firmly in the hands of the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG), the force which elements of the American press still call the "Viet Cong" or just "the enemy."
The U.S. Air Force turned most of Quang Tri into a vast wasteland of shattered land and broken villages as its response to the PRG's offensive in Spring, 1972. The provincial capital of Quang Tri City, once a home for 86,000 people, is now a pile of rubble, totally uninhabited.

Let it be said that African history and politics are not among the 'overblown' disciplines in Australian universities. Compared with America or Britain, Australia lacks profound historic connections with Africa, while as yet domestic pressures in the direction of black studies are few and, with rare exceptions, uninfluential. A glance at the consolidated index to Australian Outlook (Melbourne), the journal of the Australian Institute of International Affairs, shows that from 1947 to 1972 it carried only 27 articles on African countries and international relations. Apart from the annual gatherings of the All-African Students' Union of Australia, only one conference concerned exclusively with contemporary African politics has yet been held: at the Flinders University of South Australia, in May 1971.

In order to depict adequately the significance of political and economic interaction in tropical Africa, it is necessary to sketch the background of recent changes in that area lying south of the Sahara and north of Angola, Rhodesia, and Mozambique. Here are some 30 states ranging in size from over 2.5 million sq.km. in the Sudan to less than 00.1 million sq.km. in the Gambia; in population from almost 80 million in Nigeria to about 400,000 in the Gambia; in density from over 120 per sq.km. in Burundi to less than one per sq.km. in Mauritania; in income per capita from over $400 in Gabon to less than $50 in Burundi, Somalia, and Upper Volta; and in G.N.P. from over $4.5 billion in Nigeria to less than $30 million in Gambia.

The late Mykola Chubatyi, a leading Ukrainian historian who resided in this country since 1939, recalled in one of his numerous writings (Ukrains'ka istorychna nauka i ii rozvytok ta dosiahnennia, Philadelphia, 1971) an event involving then Secretary of State Dean Rusk. Asked by one of his associates why he never mentions Ukraine, Rusk answered: "Ukraine is not a statenation and there never existed a Ukrainian state." Reminded by an insisting friend that this is not the case, because Ukrainians have had their statehood in the Middle Ages and again during the seventeenth century and the Ukrainian SSR is after all a member of the United Nations, Rusk instantly and professorially fired back that Russia always had some problems in the South.

The struggle for African independence was waged under the banner of the right of self-determination, and today African states and the Organisation of African Unity give financial and diplomatic support to the liberation movements of Guinea-Bissau, Angola, and Mozambique. Yet the same African states and the O.A.U. denounced Biafra's attempted withdrawal from Nigeria and similar struggles in Southern Sudan, Chad, and Eritrea, without reference to the possible merits of their peoples' claims to the right of self-determination. Biafran secession, in particular, was condemned as a priori detrimental to African interests: it was incompatible with the goal of African unity and would set a precedent that could lead to the further balkanisation of the continent.

In less than two centuries the process of industrialisation has spread from a tiny triangle in Britain to nearly 25 per cent of the world population. But it has so far largely by-passed the Third World, including China and socialist East Asia, and the southern periphery of Europe from Portugal to Bulgaria. These developing countries account for almost 75 per cent of the world population, but for only 20 per cent of the world income. On the other hand, the developed countries, with only 25 per cent of the population, have an average income per capita about ten times as high, and account for as much as 80 per cent of the real world output.

"The majority interpretes Liberalism solely as that attitude towards race relations which is most opposed to the traditional outlook and policy of South Africa, as formulated and practised by the Voortrekkers" (Hoernlé, 1945, p 103). In hierdie artikel word ingegaan op die ontwikkeling van die liberale gedagte in die rassepolitiek van Suid-Afrika en hoe dit verband hou met sport-politieke konflikte en sportboikotte. Talle feite en gebeure dui pertinent daarop dat liberalisme 'n belangrike motivering was vir 'n groot verskeidenheid aksies wat vorme van gemengde of veelrassige sport op die oog gehad het. Dit het sy hoogtepunt bereik in pogings om alle vorme van apartheisport te boikot en sodoende Suid-Afrika van internasionale sport te isoleer tot tyd en wyl veelrassige sport alhier sy inslag gevind het.

If the American public, after more than twenty years of U.S. involvement in Vietnam, remains confused about the politics and objectives of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, it is primarily because of a steady diet of misinformation conveyed by the U.S. and South Vietnamese governments. The agents of this misinformation are primarily journalists and scholars who depend on the two governments for their facts.During the long struggle in Vietnam it has been vitally important for successive U.S. administrations and their client regimes in Vietnam to persuade the American public of the justification for the intervention that is aimed at keeping local anti-Communists in power. Frequently, therefore, the same political warfare techniques used in Vietnam have been aimed also at the American public.