Suchergebnisse

The outbreak of the refugee crisis in 2015 has thrown the European Union off-balance, not only when it comes to Asylum and Migration policy, but also in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). The massive influx of refugees has put a spotlight on the link between internal and external security as well as on the protection of the EU's external borders and thus also gave high political relevance to the CFSP. In response to these security challenges, the EU adopted a new EU Global Strategy in 2016 realigning the priorities and objectives of the CFSP and calling for reform and deeper integration. All these processes introduced a new political dynamic and public attention, culminating in the Politicization of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU. This dissertation gives an overview of the current theories on the European Union's Politicization by analyzing its characteristics, mechanisms, and consequences. Subsequently, this theoretical framework of politicization literature will be applied to the Common Foreign and Policy. The case of the refugee crisis is used to elaborate its contribution to the Politicization of CFSP. Against the background of the growing ties between internal and external security, this dissertation argues that the migration crisis has led to polarizing conflicts between the member states and the political actors in foreign policy. However, other than what might be expected, it shows that this politicization has not hindered but supported further integration of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. ; Com o início da crise dos refugiados em 2015, a União Europeia perdeu o equilíbrio, não só no que respeita à política de Asilo e Migração, mas também à Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC). A afluência massiva de refugiados demonstrou a interligação entre a segurança interna e externa, bem como a protecção das fronteiras externas da UE, dando assim também grande relevância política à PESC. Em resposta a estes desafios de segurança, a UE adoptou uma nova Estratégia Global da UE em 2017, que realinha as prioridades e objectivos da PESC e apela a uma reforma com vista a uma integração mais profunda. Todos estes processos introduziram uma nova dinâmica política e atenção pública, que culminou na Politização da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum da UE. Esta dissertação dá uma visão geral das actuais teorias sobre a politização da União Europeia, através da análise das suas características, mecanismos, e consequências. Posteriormente, este quadro teórico de literatura de politização será aplicado à Política Externa e de Segurança Comum. O caso da crise dos refugiados é utilizado para elaborar a sua contribuição à politização da PESC. No contexto dos crescentes laços entre a segurança interna e externa, esta dissertação argumenta que a crise migratória levou à polarização de conflitos entre os Estados-Membros e os actores políticos na política externa. Contudo, para além do que seria de esperar, mostra que esta Politização não travou, antes pelo contrário, contribuiu para uma maior integração da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum da União Europeia.

"The Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research (ECSSR) hosted a symposium entitled France and the Arabian Gulf, in Abu Dhabi on June 3-4, 2006, where visiting experts were invited to share their views on a variety of issues of mutual concern to France and the Arab Gulf states. This volume comprises a selection of the papers presented at the symposium, covering: French foreign policy regarding the GCC; the role of France in the management of various Middle East conflicts; French security policy in the Arabian Gulf; French perspectives on current EU-GCC relations; and the history and ongoing development of cultural relations between France and the Arab Gulf states."--Jacket

The lasting ties of cooperation and cooperation that have been formed for several decades in the Czechoslovakia-Russia format, and after the «velvet divorce» and Slovakia's independence and sovereignty in 1993 - in the format Slovakia-Russia prove that Russia has been and still is remains a stable, reliable and strategically important partner of Slovakia not only in the areas of foreign policy and diplomacy, economic and economic cooperation, education, culture, but also in the energy and non-governmental organizations.The article analyzes in detail the foreign political and economic cooperation of Slovakia and Russia, while taking into account the transformations taking place today in the international arena. In particular, special attention is paid to the position of Slovakia on the Crimean issue and the problem of anti-Russian sanctions, which at the moment are among the most discussed topics regarding not only European political structures, but also EU member states, including Slovakia.The author proves that the anti-Russian sanctions introduced by the West in 2014 and annually prolonged, after three years showed their senselessness and counterproductive nature, since their main goal - to drive out Russia into the corner of the international arena - was not achieved. The long-term «freezing» of political and economic relations between the West and Russia, on the contrary, caused significant damage to EU member states, including Slovakia, which is a subcontractor of large states. The negative impact of anti-Russian sanctions and the subsequent imposition of retaliatory sanctions on Russia adversely affected the Slovak economy, primarily because of the «forced» reduction in Slovak exports to Russia. Therefore, it is not surprising that the Slovak government is extremely concerned about the current situation and officially expresses interest in the complete cancellation or at least partial easing of anti-Russian sanctions.Analyzing the current situation, the author also draws attention to the personal factor that directly influences the formation of the foreign policy direction of Slovakia in relation to Russia. The analysis is supported by statements of high-ranking political figures and representatives of political forces of Slovakia. ; Прочные узы сотрудничества и кооперации, которые формируются на протяжении нескольких десятилетий вначале в формате Чехословакия – Россия, а после «бархатного развода» и обретения Словакией независимости и суверенитета в 1993 г. — в формате Словакия – Россия доказывают, что Россия была и до сих пор остается стабильным, надежным и стратегически важным партнером Словакии. Не только в областях внешней политики и дипломатии, хозяйственно-экономического сотрудничества, образования, культуры, но и в сфере энергетики и неправительственных организаций.В статье анализируется внешнеполитическое и экономическое сотрудничество Словакии и России, при этом учитываются трансформации, происходящие сегодня на международной арене. В частности, большое внимание уделяется позиции Словакии по крымскому вопросу и проблеме антироссийских санкций, которые в последние годы относятся к наиболее обсуждаемым темам в отношении не только европейских политических структур, но и государств-членов ЕС, в т. ч. Словакии. Автор доказывает, что введенные в 2014 г.Западом антироссийские санкции, которые ежегодно продлеваются, спустя три года показали свою бессмысленность и контрпродуктивность, так как их основная цель — загнать Россию в угол международной арены — не была достигнута. Долгосрочное «замораживание» политических и экономических отношений Запада с Россией, наоборот, нанесло существенный ущерб государствам-членам ЕС, в том числе и Словакии, которая выступает субподрядчиком крупных государств. Негативное влияние антироссийских санкций и последующее введение Россией ответных санкций негативно сказались на экономике Словакии, в первую очередь по причине «вынужденного» сокращения словацкого экспорта в Россию. Поэтому не удивительно, что словацкое правительство крайне обеспокоено сложившейся ситуацией и официально выражает заинтересованность в полной отмене или хотя бы частичном смягчении антироссийских санкций.Анализируя сложившуюся ситуацию, автор также обращает внимание на личностный фактор, который оказывает непосредственное влияние на формирование внешнеполитического направления Словакии по отношению к России. Анализ подкрепляется высказываниями высокопоставленных политических деятелей и представителей политических сил Словакии.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- 1 Unprecedented Times: The COVID-19 Pandemic that Swept the World -- 1.1 COVID-19: A Short Sketch of the Pandemic Through 2020 -- 1.2 How the Pandemic Changed the World -- 1.3 How State Actors and Nonstate Actors Reacted to the Pandemic -- 1.3.1 State Actors: Different Measures in Authoritarian and Democratic Countries -- 1.3.2 Regional Cooperation: Will the EU Successfully Lead European Integration? -- 1.3.3 International Cooperation: The Role of the WHO -- References -- 2 The Acceleration of the Global Power Transition: From West to East -- 2.1 A Short Overview of Major Epidemics in a Historical Context -- 2.1.1 Plague of Athens (431-404 BC) -- 2.1.2 Plague of Justinian (541-549 AD) -- 2.1.3 The Black Death (1347-1352) -- 2.1.4 New World Smallpox Outbreak (1400s-1600s) -- 2.1.5 The Influenza Pandemic of 1918-1919 -- 2.2 Performances of China and the U.S. in the Battle Against COVID-19 -- 2.3 New "Suez Moment": The Precipitous Loss of America's Global Leadership -- 2.4 China's Challenge to a US-Led World Order in the Post Pandemic World -- 2.5 Easternization? A Global Power Shift from the West to the East -- References -- 3 Comparison Between Authoritarian and Democratic Countries in the Pandemic Era -- 3.1 Crisis Management in Authoritarian States and Democratic States -- 3.1.1 What Is Crisis Management? -- 3.1.2 How the Relationship Between the Government and Civil Society Influences Crisis Management -- 3.2 Human Security and the Pandemic -- 3.2.1 Rethinking Human Security in the Context of the COVID-19 Pandemic -- 3.2.2 The Relationship Between Human Security and Political Institutions -- 3.3 Authoritarianism Versus Democracy: Which Is an Effective Remedy for the Pandemic -- 3.3.1 The Differences Between Authoritarian and Democratic Responses -- 3.3.2 Authoritarianism Pandemic and the Eclipse of Democracy.

Illiberalism emphasizes traditional values and national sovereignty over liberal democratic ideals, which can lead to the erosion of democratic norms and institutions. Against this background, the paper investigates the relationship between illiberalism and various political and social factors in Romania, taking into account a particular context (the Russian invasion in Ukraine). Romania has experienced a rise in illiberal attitudes and the spread of populist and nationalist rhetoric, which is particularly concerning given its strategic location as a member of the European Union and NATO, and its proximity to the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. This study aims to investigate the associations between various attitudes, news consumption habits, and perceived exposure to misinformation, and how these factors relate to levels of illiberalism in Romanian society. Given the increasing prominence of illiberal and populist ideologies globally, a nuanced understanding of these relationships is critical. The study employs a quantitative approach, leveraging an online survey to collect data from a sample of 1000 Romanian citizens. Soft quotas were used to ensure a diverse representation across age, gender, and education levels. Data collection was carried out by Dynata, a globally recognized market research firm, between March 1–9, 2022. Our analysis, informed by multiple regression models, uncovers complex relationships between trust in institutions, attitudes towards Russia and Ukraine, news consumption habits, perceived misinformation, and demographic factors in shaping illiberal perspectives. By providing a comprehensive understanding of the contributing factors, this study aims to inform public discourse and policy-making processes on how to address illiberal tendencies in society.

Analysis of the Constitutional Treaty of the European Union shows that there is a serious discrepancy between the voting power gradient of Member States computed by the Shapley-Shubik and Banzhaf indices. Given the lack of compelling arguments to choose between these indices on purely axiomatic grounds, we turn to a probabilistic approach as pioneered by Straffin (1977) focusing on the probability distribution of voting poll outcomes. We present a unifying model of power indices as expected decisiveness, which shows that the defining feature of each approach is a particular distribution of the voting poll. Empirical evidence drawn from voting situations, in addition to a consideration of first principles, leads us to reject one of these approaches. The unified formulation allows us to develop useful related concepts of efficiency and blocking leverage, previously used solely by a 'Banzhaf' approach, for the case of Shapley-Shubik, and a comparison of results is shown.

One of the greatest challenges modern states are faced with is finding a way to tackle unacceptable tax avoidance, especially aggressive tax planning schemes and the use of the so-called tax heavens. In this process, many states adopt a general anti-avoidance rule that allows for tax administration to deny tax benefits realized through the use of abusive tax arrangements, which are in accordance with the letters of the law but circumvent its purpose. At the EU level, Article 6 of the Directive 2016/1164 (Anti-Tax-Avoidance Directive, ATAD), laying down rules against tax avoidance practices that directly affect the functioning of the internal market, contains the general anti-avoidance rule (GAAR). This paper aims to analyze the ATAD's GAAR and related case law of the European Court of Justice in tax avoidance cases in the context of abuse of EU law. In the first section, the author defines tax avoidance and tax evasion in order to clearly distinguish the two terms, and explains the need for the GAAR. The second part presents the elements of the GAAR and the consequences of its application. The third section addresses the issue of legal certainty in applying the GAAR. As one of the prerequisites for tackling the unacceptable tax avoidance and aggressive tax planning is enhanced cooperation of tax administrations and greater transparency of tax information, the author analyzes the 2011 Directive on administrative cooperation in tax matters (DAC) and its numerous amendments. Finally, we present perspectives on the harmonization of direct taxes and depict a potential global solution to reform the outdated international corporate tax system, with action on the reallocation of taxing rights and minimum effective taxation.

BACKGROUND: In rural areas of China, hypertension is on the rise and it is drawing the Chinese government's attention. The health outcomes of hypertension management can be positively impacted by patient satisfaction with primary care physicians (PCPs), and the influence of patient trust on satisfaction cannot be ignored. This study aimed to analyze the effect of trust in PCPs on patient satisfaction among patients with hypertension in rural China, and the influence of patients' socio-demographic characteristics and hypertension-management-related factors. METHODS: A multi-stage stratified random sampling method was adopted to investigate 2665 patients with hypertension in rural China. Patient trust and satisfaction were measured using the Chinese version of the Wake Forest Physician Trust Scale and the European Task Force on Patient Evaluation of General Practice. Multiple linear regression was used to analyze the factors influencing patient satisfaction, and structural equation modeling was conducted to clarify the relationships among patient trust and patient satisfaction with PCPs. RESULTS: Patients' trust in their PCPs' benevolence had a positive main effect on all three satisfaction dimensions (clinical behavior: β = 0.940, p < 0.01; continuity and cooperation: β = 0.910, p < 0.01; and organization of care: β = 0.879, p < 0.01). Patients' trust in their PCPs' technical competence had a small negative effect on all three satisfaction dimensions (clinical behavior: β = − 0.077, p < 0.01; continuity and cooperation: β = − 0.136, p < 0.01; and organization of care: β = − 0.064, p < 0.01). Patient satisfaction was also associated with region, gender, insurance status, distance from the nearest medical/health-service institution, and number of visits to PCPs in the past year. CONCLUSIONS: Patients focused more on physicians' benevolence than on their technical competence. Hence, medical humanities and communication skills education should be emphasized for PCPs. Regarding region-based and ...

The article presents the influence of Austria's energy interests and its cooperation in this area with Russia on foreign policy in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine. The importance of the energy factor for the implementation of the anti-Russian sanctions policy of the US and the EU, of which Austria is a member, is also analyzed. A striking example of the impact of Austria's economic cooperation with Russia was the Nord Stream-2 project. It has been proved that economic pragmatism and the desire to become an influential participant in the European energy market have become the basis for Austria's political and diplomatic maneuvering. The facts in the article indicate the ambiguity of Austria's political position regarding anti-Russian sanctions during the OSCE chairmanship. On the basis of the analysis, it was concluded that the inconsistency of the position regarding Russia's aggression against Ukraine contributes to minimizing economic losses by reducing the international image of Austria as a neutral state. ; У статті представлено вплив ененергетичних інтерсів Австрії та її співпраці у цій сфері з Росією на зовнюшню політику у контексті російської агресії проти України. Проаналізовано також значення енергетичного фактору для реалізації антиросійської санкційної політики США та ЄС, членом якого є Австрія. Яскравим прикладом впливовості економічної співпрації Австрії з Росією став проект «Nord Stream – 2». Доведено, що економічний прагматизм та прагнення стати впливовим учасником на європейському енергетичному ринку стали підставою для політико-дипломатичного маневрування Австрії. Наведені у статті факти свідчать про двозначність політичної позиції Австрії щодо антиросійських санкцій під час головування в ОБСЄ. На основі аналізу зроблено висновок, що непослідовність позиції щодо агресії Росії проти України сприяє мінімізації економічних збитків за рахунок погіршення міжнародного іміджу Австрії як нейтральної держави.

The article presents the influence of Austria's energy interests and its cooperation in this area with Russia on foreign policy in the context of Russian aggression against Ukraine. The importance of the energy factor for the implementation of the anti-Russian sanctions policy of the US and the EU, of which Austria is a member, is also analyzed. A striking example of the impact of Austria's economic cooperation with Russia was the Nord Stream-2 project. It has been proved that economic pragmatism and the desire to become an influential participant in the European energy market have become the basis for Austria's political and diplomatic maneuvering. The facts in the article indicate the ambiguity of Austria's political position regarding anti-Russian sanctions during the OSCE chairmanship. On the basis of the analysis, it was concluded that the inconsistency of the position regarding Russia's aggression against Ukraine contributes to minimizing economic losses by reducing the international image of Austria as a neutral state. ; У статті представлено вплив ененергетичних інтерсів Австрії та її співпраці у цій сфері з Росією на зовнюшню політику у контексті російської агресії проти України. Проаналізовано також значення енергетичного фактору для реалізації антиросійської санкційної політики США та ЄС, членом якого є Австрія. Яскравим прикладом впливовості економічної співпрації Австрії з Росією став проект «Nord Stream – 2». Доведено, що економічний прагматизм та прагнення стати впливовим учасником на європейському енергетичному ринку стали підставою для політико-дипломатичного маневрування Австрії. Наведені у статті факти свідчать про двозначність політичної позиції Австрії щодо антиросійських санкцій під час головування в ОБСЄ. На основі аналізу зроблено висновок, що непослідовність позиції щодо агресії Росії проти України сприяє мінімізації економічних збитків за рахунок погіршення міжнародного іміджу Австрії як нейтральної держави.

Europol is the main platform of EU Member States crime intelligence cooperation, which use the information potential and experience of EU Member States national security agencies. The cooperation is vital for the public security of the EU area - understood as a form of multilateral international connections and channels of exchanging criminal information between national police forces, special services and other state and EU institutions responsible for public security. Europol has been present in policing for over 20 years, but its power to combat terrorism is still relatively unknown. In recent years there were many changes in the legal framework of Europol. To enhance Europol's mandate as the EU's central law enforcement agency and enable it to respond more rapidly to emerging international terrorist threats and serious and organised crime, the European Commission proposed a new regulation being line with the Lisbon Treaty. The proposal aimed to place the Agency under a new legislative framework and enhance its role as the central hub for information exchange. The new Regulation entered into force on 13 June 2016 and is being aplicated since 1 May 2017. The author presents the analyses of conditions influencing on Europol's force in combating terrorist threats. The issue is extremly complex due to Europol specific legal status, scope of operations and its location within the institutional system. ; Straipsnio tikslas yra susisteminti žinias apie Europolo slaptą veiklą siekiant kovoti su tarptautiniu terorizmu. Straipsnyje pateikiama keletas Europolo veiklos pavyzdžių, kuriomis Europolas remia ES valstybių narių atitinkamų tarnybų pastangas kovoje su terorizmu ir jo prevencijos srityje. Taip pat autorius įvertina šias veiklas, ką nėra lengva padaryti, atsižvelgiant į ypatingą Europolo slaptų veiklų prigimtį ir svarbą, ir jo vietą ES institucinėje sistemoje.