Suchergebnisse

Будучи формой сознания и средством общения, язык развивается вместе с обществом и отражает его историческое, социальное, экономическое, культурное развитие. Лексика первой реагирует на социально-исторические преобразования, отражая их, называя и объясняя словами, поэтому в разных политически ориентированных контекстах часто одни и те же слова меняют свою стилистическую окраску, развивается внутрисловная антонимия, активизируется словообразовательный процесс. В статье анализируются лексико-семантические трансформации концептуальной лексики на материале языка современной российской прессы. ; An overview of conceptual word meaning transformation in the modern Russian language is given. As a form of consciousness and a means of communication, the language develops with the society and reflects its historic, social, economic, and cultural development. Vocabulary is the first to react to the social and historic transformations reflecting them, denoting and explaining with words. That is why in various politically oriented contexts words often change their stylistic colouring, intraword antonomy develops, and word building process becomes active. Semantic transformation analysis presented in the paper was carried out on the basis of texts of Russian modern mass media.

An exploration of prime ministerial power in Sweden argues that the lessening of the prime minister's dependence on parliament or the Social Democratic Party is at least partly obtained from the electorate itself. Power resources available to the prime minister; the organization of Sweden's political parties; dynamics of party competition; & trends toward a shift from an emphasis on parties to individuals are examined. Given the nature of today's mass media, it is contended that it would be extremely difficult for a party to depose a popular prime minister. The argument that Sweden is already presidentialized is bolstered by the prime minister's ability to create a majority through negotiations with opposition party members & decision-making advantages provided by membership in the European Union. However, significant limits to presidentialization are pointed out to conclude that many of the conditions that have created what appears to be an "informal Swedish presidency" are not structural & therefore may diminish in importance according to prevailing political circumstances. 1 Table, 1 Figure, 47 References. J. Lindroth

El eje vertebrador de la investigación metodológico-científica será el momento histórico de la incursión de los EEUU en la Segunda Guerra Mundial, tras el bombardeo japonés a la principal base norteamericana del pacífico en Pearl Harbor. El cine militar como medio de comunicación, es una buena herramienta para extraer la imagen social de la enfermería durante el desarrollo de los conflictos bélicos, manteniendo una relación histórico-cultural con los mismos. Esta película está articulada siguiendo el modelo de enfermería de Florence Nightingale. ; The axis of this methodological-scientific investigation will be the historical moment of the U.S.A incursion in World War II, following the Japanese bombing to the main North American base in the Pacific, Pearl Harbor. The military cinema as mass media, becomes a useful tool for extracting the social image of nursing during the development of war conflicts, this image maintaining a historical-cultural relation with them. This film is articulated according to Florence Nightingale´s nursing model.

Culture is a process, which it goes being determined by the development of the economical base and the super structural transformations that are implied in their dialectic relation, the social, political, religious groups, etc. they develop their own patters of behaviour who make them be a group. this culture is transformed not only by the development of !he society, but also by the direct or indirect contact of the individuals with cultural elements of other countries or regions, with different or more developed cultures, that contact takes place of different ways, but the most common are the ones made through mass media; with the development of technology, there is not space left without connecting in the word, and the cultural elements are known in any society. It is here where the socializing processes and the socialization agents are involved, for that reason the trans-cultural processes are faster than before and the same generation lives different cultural elements.

This paper presents a new approach to cost analysis of family planning programmes that focuses on behaviour change of programme clients as the final 'output' rather than units of contraceptive services delivered, as does the familiar couple-years-of-protection index. It is useful to know how much it costs to deliver a unit of contraceptive services, but it would also seem useful to know how much it costs to change a prospective client's behaviour. The proposed approach rests on the familiar 'steps to behaviour change' paradigm and: (1) develops a methodology for applying a client-behaviour-change-centred cost analysis to programme activities; (2) tests the methodology and concepts by applying them retrospectively to a case study of mass media interventions in Egypt; (3) derives cost per unit of behaviour changes for these Egyptian communications campaigns to demonstrate the workability of the approach. This framework offers a new approach to impact evaluation that would seem to be applicable to other components of family planning and reproductive health programmes.

Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial RuleCatherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830–1867Kathleen Wilson, The Island Race: Englishness, Empire and Gender in the Eighteenth CenturyAndrew Kirkendall, Class Mates: Male Student Culture and the Making of a Political Class in Nineteenth‐Century BrazilSueann Caulfield, In Defense of Honor: Sexual Morality, Modernity, and Nation in Early‐Twentieth‐Century BrazilDavid M. Halperin, How to Do the History of HomosexualityPaul Hammond, Figuring Sex between Men From Shakespeare to Rochester Tom Betteridge (ed.), Sodomy in Early Modern EnglandFelicia Gordon and P. N. Furbank, Marie Madeleine Jodin 1741–1790: actress, philosophe and feministJoan B. Landes, Visualizing the Nation: Gender, Representation, and Revolution in Eighteenth‐Century FranceLynn Abrams, The Making of Modern Woman: Europe, 1789–1918Gisela Bock, Women in European HistoryLeonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780–1850Beverly Wilson Palmer (ed.), Selected Letters of Lucretia Coffin MottSusan Weiner, Enfants Terribles: Youth and Femininity in the Mass Media in France, 1945–1968

An examination of the status of democracy in Russia argues that some features of democratic development appeared after the 1991 demise of Soviet communism but democratic institutions have eroded since Vladimir Putin became president. Although he has not overtly violated the 1993 constitution put in place by Boris Yeltsin, Putin has introduced changes that have weakened democratic elements of the reform years. In the current "quasi-democratic, quasi-autocratic" order, formal democratic practices are being preserved while the actual democratic content of political rules/norms are being weakened. The new relationship between the president & the Duma is described, noting that the "super-majorities" Putin has acquired in the Duma have transformed the Federation Council (upper house), decreased the power of the citizenry, & weakened checks on the Kremlin's power. Actions taken by Putin that have decreased regional autonomy are examined, along with the current status of political party systems; human rights violations in Chechnya; & tightening of the state's grip on the mass media. Prospects for the future of Russian democracy are discussed. J. Lindroth

AbstractThe universe is creating self‐organizing and self‐referencing systems at every scale. In accord with this dynamic, the human family is working to become consciously self‐organizing at progressively larger scales. We have evolved from awakening hunter‐gatherers to a species that has created a wired world whose actions are changing the face of the planet. Because the impact of humanity is now global, that is the scale at which we are challenged to become reflective if we are to be choiceful about our common future. We are challenged to no longer 'run on automatic', but to pay attention to how we pay attention as entire civilizations. The vehicle of collective attention at a civilizational scale is the mass media—particularly broadcast television. If civilizations are to realize their potential for full reflective consciousness and become self‐guiding in their evolution, then it is vital for the public to mobilize the public's airwaves on behalf of the public interest. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Max Weber's distinction between expedient and value rationality and an ethic of responsibility and of ultimate ends is regarded as a theoretical tool to analyse the relationship between the mass media and politics in democracies. Weber considers journalists as an example of the combination of value-based rationality and adherence to an ethic of ultimate ends. In contrast, he considers politicians as an example of the combination of expedient action and ethics of responsibility. Intending to test one part of Weber's theory - his assumptions about journalists - the authors examined two aspects of journalistic predispositions - general views on journalistic rules of conduct and specific judgements on behaviour in concrete situations. In an experimental design six groups of newspaper editors were confronted with different options. Their reactions indicate that journalists generally and in concrete situations make value-based decisions when deciding whether to print a story or not. In contrast, journalists generally claim to adhere to an ethic of responsibility although they base their arguments on an ethic of ultimate ends in concrete situations. The consequences of this contradiction are discussed.

Reflejar la importancia de la solidaridad como bien universal necesario y los espacios para practicarla es la aspiración que se propone el autor de este trabajo, que incide en la importancia que tienen los medios de comunicación de masas para que la «pirámide» actual se invierta y se creen servicios de ayuda a fin de que las personas más necesitadas y excluidas encuentren el desarrollo social coherente y democrático. De esta forma, ser solidario es un derecho y un deber dentro de una sociedad justa. ; Reflecting the importance of solidarity as a necessary universal good and the spaces to practice it is the aspiration proposed by the author of this work, which emphasizes the importance of the mass media so that the current "pyramid" to be reversed, and help services are created so that the most needy and excluded people find coherent and democratic social development. In this way, being solidary is a right and a duty within a just society.

Punjab state in india has experienced over 40 percent decline in fertility in the last two decades and is undergoing demographic transition. The State is one of the economically developed States of India. It experienced rural transformation as a consequence of successful green revolution. It continues to be an agrarian economy with patriarchal kinship system. Status of women is low, gender inequalities are sharp, female literacy and female work force participation are low and son preference is strong. In the presence of these social realities the decline in fertility particularly in the rural Punjab needs to be explained and understood. Empirical evidence suggests that this decline has taken place because rural women desire and have lesser number of children, practice contraception and try to limit their families. The factors which have contributed to this attitudinal change are rising literacy, rising standards of living, greater exposure to mass media and greater use of modem contraceptive technology. Thus economic development and resultant social change have brought about fertility decline in rural Punjab.

Ten years after the collapse of communist rule, church-state relations in Poland present a mixed picture. On the one hand, the Roman Catholic church continues to enjoy a privileged position in the country and has achieved most of its cherished goals. On the other hand, its very success carried with it seeds of its future decline. This was particularly true in several areas where the church's aggressive and arrogant behavior has proved counter productive: religious education, anti-abortion legislation, Christian values in mass media, antisemitism, murky church finances, the concordat with the Holy See, and the debate on the new constitution. As a result, there has been a steady decline in popular support for the church which itself has developed some serious rifts in its supposedly united posture. It may be hypothesized that the power and influence of the church actually peaked in the early 1990s and that, having absorbed some of the lessons from its decline, its future policies may well be less triumphalist and controversial, and more accommodating.