Suchergebnisse

32 páginas ; El presente texto estudia cómo ha evolucionado una parte del discurso de la Corte Constitucional colombiana en materia de religión. Para lo anterior, se presenta el rol transformador del derecho como categoría analítica que permite definir el alcance de tal discurso en virtud de los cambios sociales, políticos y jurídicos que surgieron con la Constitución Política de 1991. Al estudiar las decisiones jurisprudenciales más destacadas sobre el tema, se encuentra que estas no desarrollan la religión como criterio sospechoso de discriminación a pesar del reconocimiento constitucional otorgado en el artículo 13 de la Carta Política. Transversalmente, se pretende mostrar el potencial poder político de la religión en la narrativa constitucional colombiana. ; This article looks into how part of the Colombian Constitutional Court's dis-course on religion has developed. To determine the reach of this discourse, the transformative role of law is studied as a category of analysis because of the significant social, political, and legal changes that arose from the Constitu-tion of 1991. Moreover, it was found that the most notable case-law verdicts of the Constitutional Court do not elaborate on religion as a cause for discrimi-nation, despite its recognition by Article 13 of the Constitution. Overall, the purpose is to reveal the political potential of religion in Colombian's consti-tutional narrative.

This article explores the emergent politics of the 21st century through an analysis of the interactions of media and religion in these relations. It argues that to fully understand the dynamics underlying the new forms of populism emerging across the globe, it is necessary to account for them as movements of religious nationalism encompassing race, gender, and nostalgia, made possible by modern media imaginaries. The article argues that disciplined and substantive work on religion remains a lacuna within media and cultural studies, and that its explorations provide an example of how such work could address this critical gap. It concludes by suggesting a specific theoretical approach rooted in its consideration of relations of religion and media: that we think of media texts that circulate in these discourses of religious nationalism as "affective infrastructures" that do important work in making unstable and contradictory imaginaries possible and weaponizing them to political purpose.

This article aims to discuss the issue of the relationship between Islam and politics in the "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. this study was motivated by "Action to Defend Islam 212". Therefor in this first study, the author wants to give about the study of background the formation of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. second, critical review about the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama. the purpose of this problem has been to trying flowin is ini and critiquing "is there the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama ?". Approsch and method in this research use social religion approach is needed and Qualitative method that is the descriptive analysis with library research genre. The result from this research indicates that analysis and critical review about the relationship between Islam and politics of "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama is that be found relationship from side religion and politics, considering that there are a number of factors that indicate "Alumni 212 and Ijtima Ulama contains elements of politics and religion in it. The Defending Islam Action I,II AND III has become a new phenomenon in Islam, especially for the conditions of religious life in Indonesia. Which then this action becomes the background of the formation of the reunion "Alumni 212" and Ijtima Ulama, it is feared indicated incarnated as a religious movement mass, and could potentially be a movement on behalf of Islam as a form of identity politics. Nevertheless need the existence of functional relationship in the relationship between Islam and state (politics), that is about how Islam can perform its functions in the region or community of the state on the one hand. And how the state (politic) can the state can perform its functions as the governing body of the organization of the citizens and its territory is majority Islam on the other hand.

This article develops a conceptual framework to examine the ancestry and evolution of urban forms within the context of cultural space and its social meaning. The framework is intended as a means for organizing and interpreting information, as was Rapoport's schema, but differs in its perspective. Rapoport begins with design elements and links them to culture; we begin with culture as a process and connect it with contextual settings through which images and configurations are generated and positioned. The framework is applied to the cultural process in Bali by focusing on ideology, religion, and aesthetics, which are treated as the main "doors of perception." This allows a connection with the concept of a social construction of space and highlights the importance of remediating social conflict with shared values. Examples are used to illustrate the relevance of the doors of perception to urban planning and design in completing the nexus to space–time meaning.

Abstract
In 2014, in order to improve outcomes for children from ethnic minority backgrounds and to speed up the adoption process, the UK government changed the Children and Families Act. The legal requirement on adoption agencies to consider ethnicity in the decision around 'matching' was removed, thus clearing the way for transracial placements. This article interrogates the impact of the change in law on social work practice around adoption, using the experiences of diverse Muslim-heritage children as a case study. Grounded in the sociology of religion, the findings presented here are based on semi-structured qualitative interviews (n = 28) with those involved in the care of Muslim-heritage children. In discussing qualitative findings, all adopters and prospective adopters interviewed in this research insisted on adopting children who 'look like them', and social workers continued to look for the 'best' possible matches. Children from minoritised backgrounds continue to wait for long periods before finding permanent homes. Our evidence raises questions about the efficacy of policy guidance. Based on this evidence we conclude that greater strategizing is needed around the recruitment of adopters from diverse backgrounds.

AbstractThe use of intercultural dialogue (ICD) to promote intergroup understanding and respect is considered as a key to reduce tensions and the likelihood of conflict. This paper argues that understanding the differences among religions – those between packaged and lived religion – enhances the chances of success and makes the effort more challenging. Religions contained and packaged are found in formally organised expressions of religion – churches, denominations, synagogues, mosques, temples and so on. For packaged religions, religious identity is singular and adherents are expected to identify with only one religion and are assumed to accept the whole package of that religion. ICD in this context involves communicating with religious groups such as organisations and encouraging different leaders to speak with each other resulting in platforms filled with 'heads of faith' – bishops muftis, ayatollahs, chief rabbis, swamis and so on. In contrast, lived religions involve ritual practices engaged in by individuals and small groups, creation of shrines and sacred spaces, discussing the nature of life, sharing ethical concerns, going on pilgrimages and taking actions to celebrate and sustain hope.There is some evidence that, although packaged religions are declining, lived religions continue at persistent levels. Violent extremism is more likely to be associated with lived rather than packaged forms of religion, making a more balanced intercultural competences approach to ICD critical to countering conflict.

The government is perceived as the main perpetrator on violations of freedom of religion and belief in Indonesia. As the state organizer, the government frequently issues discriminatory regulations and policies and tend to cause intolerance to minority religions and beliefs, particularly to indigenous peoples. While freedom of religion or belief is a constitutional rights that cannot be reduced and is guaranteed universally in constitution and laws, the law provides limitation that causes ambiguity in the fulfillment of the rights of religion and belief. In addition, the government mindset still adheres to the term of "official religion" and "non-official religion" in any policy-making, causing adherents of minority religions and beliefs to be considered as cultural heritage to be preserved. This creates injustice, discrimination, intimidation and intolerance in rights fulfillment in state and society life. This paper discusses the existence of the guarantee of freedom of religion and belief for indigenous people and state liability for violations of freedom of religion and belief. This research used normative juridical method with statute approach and conceptual approach.

This book approaches newly emerging religious groups through the interplay between religious and non-religious spheres and in the context of religious diversification in post-Renovation Vietnam. It considers the new religious groups as a part of religious reconfiguration in contemporary Vietnam caused by intensified interactions among these spheres. It explores changes of relationship between religions, and changes between the religious sphere and the political, economic and public spheres. Specifically, it traces trajectories of religious development in relation to politico-economic changes in this rapidly modernising nation. The book tests a hypothesis that at least some new yet unrecognized new religious groups have a positive/ active role in modernisation rather than a negative/reactive role. To this end, the book draws on a number of research approaches and methodologies in an effort to provide readers with a multi-faceted understanding of Vietnam's new religious groups, including how the current socialist state has responded to their emergence and challenges. The research is interdisciplinary in orientation, drawing on sociology and anthropology. It is also comparative in that it bases its argument on a consideration of three distinct new religious groups in Vietnam. The research is also qualitative and ethnographic in that it drew on some of the techniques associated with participant observation during a sustained period of fieldwork amongst the targeted groups. The concept of religious reconfiguration developed in this book provides a framework for the study of religion in Vietnam which opens the way to further analysis from a comparative perspective. Meanwhile, an emphasis upon religious reinvention which addresses processes of remaking, transforming, legitimating and accommodating can be useful for research into New Religious Movements elsewhere in Asia. A research in the challenges of new religions through could act as a catalyst for interdisciplinary studies based on detailed empirical study of religious diversity and of religious freedom by other scholars. It is hoped that this research might help to give a voice to religious minorities that are often the victim of stereotyping, misunderstanding, and punitive treatment. The book is suitable for post-graduate students and social researchers who are interested in religious revival, religious diversification, state-religion relationships, and state's regulation of new religions.