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An exploration of human rights as "the surpassing of the political" draws on insights on society & politics provided by Emmanuel Levinas (1905-1995). The link between the ethical good & evil is explored to illustrate the complexity of the intertwined relationship between evil, ethics, & guilt. The social-political realization of human responsibility is addressed to argue that good & evil are not as far apart as commonly believed. Evil is not only different from the good but it "clings on to the good itself as its own shadow." The constant risk that the ethical good will be perverted into the evil of the good is examined, along with Levinas' call for a "permanent revolution" in the struggle for the structural realization of justice. Other issues considered include Levinas' view of historical Stalinism; the need for both social & economic justice; & the prophetic-critical force of human rights. Levinas' theological view of human rights as both the foundation of social, economic, judicial, & political order, & a "trace that leads towards God" is discussed. J. Lindroth

"When the Islamic Republic of Iran launched its fully-articulated political agenda in the aftermath of the 1979 revolution, it merged the concept of political Islam with the previously secular readings of the republican doctrine of state. This book provides an analysis of the constitutional and institutional structure of public power in the most emblematic instance of a theocratic republic to date: the Islamic Republic of Iran, using the methods of political science. Nearly four decades after the 1979 revolution, a thorough evaluation of Iran's prevalently anti-modernist political discourse and concurrent claims of republican popular sovereignty is here carried out and their theoretical coherence and applied success investigated. Vahid Nick Pay surveys the major republican schools of political philosophy on the one hand, and the principal narratives of the prevailing Shi'a political theology on the other, to provide a pioneering evaluation of the republican credentials of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It will be essential reading for scholars of political science and modern Iranian politics and history."--Bloomsbury Publishing

Northern Ireland has suffered consistently from the effects of political violence since the late 1960s. It is argued that the attempts by Republicans & Loyalists in Northern Ireland to legitimate their violence consist of arguments drawn from a wide range of theoretical traditions by no means confined to Northern Ireland. Republicans draw on nationalism, Catholicism, & Marxism, while Loyalists make use of contractarian ideas & Protestant theology. Both sides have been relatively successful in persuading potential supporters of the legitimacy of their activities. Weaknesses in each attempt at legitimation are analyzed, & it is indicated that the diversity of the rival packages may prove counterproductive. The capacity of each group to generate the additional support needed to achieve its ends is seriously doubted. 27 References. Modified HA

The re- of 'restrain' — not the more common iterative 're-' but a mere, if semantically obscure intensifier — marks a temporal paradox: the restraint that prevents a force from reaching its telos is not only a delay, but the intervention of a separate, autonomous, and anti-teleological regime of time. The article reads the biblical figure of the katéchon, 'the withholder', as an expression of this paradox and as symptomatic of a political-theological ambivalence essential to the foundation of Western political thought. If the 'secular order' or 'worldly government' has the function of withholding both the ultimate salvation and the final outbreak of chaos, then it sustains itself only by postponing any determination of its value or effect. ; Christiane Frey, 'Restrain', in Re-: An Errant Glossary , ed. by Christoph F. E. Holzhey and Arnd Wedemeyer, Cultural Inquiry, 15 (Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2019), pp. 141–49

La presente investigación indaga sobre los aportes que la Educación Religiosa Escolar (ERE), comúnmente llamada "clase de religión", puede hacer a la educación ciudadana y política. En un primer momento se apoya en las contribuciones reflexivas de la teología política; luego examina los resultados de una investigación cuantitativa sobre la ERE. El método empleado es doble: por un lado se usa la hermenéutica teológica para ilustrar la nueva visión de la relación entre fe cristiana y política. Esta nueva visión es asumida como base epistemológica para una nueva comprensión de la ERE; por otro lado se usan los aportes de un análisis estadístico. De la integración interpretativa de estos dos aportes

El carácter laudatorio de los panegíricos latinos ha minimizado su importancia como fuente histórica bajo la idea de que la precisión de los datos se ve lógicamente mermada por la función propagandística que desempeñaban. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las narrativas de legitimación del poder imperial diárquico que desprenden sus panegíricos y que, como podrá observarse, no son fruto de referencias arbitrarias, eruditas o meramente ornamentales, sino que componen un discurso político-religioso con plena coherencia interna sobre el mensaje que el aparato imperial buscaba transmitir como ruptura del periodo precedente: de la etapa del caos y la fragmentación del poder, a un nuevo orden que reclama y se encamina hacia un poder político predestinado y unitario. ; The laudatory nature of Latin Panegyrics has minimized their importance of this historical source due to the fact that the accuracy of the data is obviously decreased by their propaganda function. The aim of this paper is to analyze the narratives constructed and shape in panegyrics in order to legitimize the imperial power structure during the Diarchy, which, as can be observed, are not arbitrary or decorative references but a part of a political discourse with a full internal consistency driven by a imperial system that want to be self-represented as a break point in contrast to the former period: from an age dominated by chaos and fragmentation in roman institutional frame, to a new order based on a predestined and unitary political power.

El carácter laudatorio de los panegíricos latinos ha minimizado su importancia como fuente histórica bajo la idea de que la precisión de los datos se ve lógicamente mermada por la función propagandística que desempeñaban. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las narrativas de legitimación del poder imperial diárquico que desprenden sus panegíricos y que, como podrá observarse, no son fruto de referencias arbitrarias, eruditas o meramente ornamentales, sino que componen un discurso político-religioso con plena coherencia interna sobre el mensaje que el aparato imperial buscaba transmitir como ruptura del periodo precedente: de la etapa del caos y la fragmentación del poder, a un nuevo orden que reclama y se encamina hacia un poder político predestinado y unitario. ; The laudatory nature of Latin Panegyrics has minimised their importance of this historical source due to the fact that the accuracy of the data is obviously decreased by their propaganda function. The aim of this paper is to analyse the narratives constructed and shape in panegyrics in order to legitimase the imperial power structure during the Diarchy, which, as can be observed, are not arbitrary or decorative references but a part of a political discourse with a full internal consistency driven by a imperial system that want to be self-represented as a break point in contrast to the former period: from an age dominated by chaos and fragmentation in roman institutional frame, to a new order based on a predestined and unitary political power.

Problem There is no harmony in the understanding of the momentous "middle-of-the-road" approach when it comes to political involvement. Some people are politically headstrong, while others are laid back. This standoff has left the church in a quandary about what to do concerning civic matters. The scarcity of a farsighted stratagem to help guide church members on citizenship issues might be the cause of the deadlock. Method To provide some framework, biblical principles and guidelines from the writings of Ellen G. White on political involvement were established. In addition to reviewing Adventist and other Christian authors on responsible citizenship, this examination also delineated some Jewish conceptions on the subject. Then, after a consideration of the political, cultural, and religious context of Harare, the specific context of Mount Pleasant Church was elucidated. Next, a strategy for political involvement was developed and implemented. Following this, a report on strategy implementation and recommendations were made, and a conclusion drafted. Results The Mount Pleasant Church understands and appreciates the historic apolitical Adventist stance. The members have been equipped with biblical guidelines on how they ought to relate to the state. A foundation was laid for the training of peacemakers to help bring about the much needed national healing and reconciliation. Conclusions Christians are not just citizens of the world to come, but of the all-encompassing kingdom of God. They have a divine mandate to stand with voice and vote against injustice. Their activism is supposed to be nonviolent and includes roles of advocacy, mediation, and reconciliation. While Christians are called upon to respect earthly government, there is room in their lives for civil disobedience when the requirements of the state conflict with those of God. There is room within the church for those feeling the call to occupy political office just as any other profession, provided they do not compromise biblical principles. Finally, there must be a clear demarcation between church and the state; the church has spiritual authority from God and must not depend on the government to fulfill its mission. On the other hand, the state should not use the church to advance its cause.

"Vatican II opened new pathways to engagement with societies shaped by modernity. Its project could be read as an attempt to interpret the stance of the church in relation to the whole project of modernity. The fundamental presumption of this collection of essays is that it is timely, indeed imperative, to keep alive the question of the church's self-understanding in its journey alongside "the complex, often rebellious, always restless mind of the modern world." Cornelius J. Casey and Fáinche Ryan have assembled some of the most prominent commentators on ecclesiastical and social-political engagements from the fields of theology, political philosophy, social theory, and cultural criticism. The contributors present differing perspectives on the role of the church. Some argue that pluralism is here to stay. Others point out that the liberal pluralism of contemporary society is aggressively powered by global corporate consumerism. This book, with its variety of voices, explores these issues largely from within the Catholic tradition. The role of the church in a pluralist society is a narrative that is being written by many people at many different levels of the church"--

This is a study of the multifaceted thought of Maulana Wahiduddin Khan (b.1925–), Indian writer, public intellectual, and Muslim religious leader. Khan has been a prolific writer since at least the 1970s and is also an ālim, a Muslim scholar learned in religion. His reputation is based on his public presentation of Islam, non-violence, and peace – a position he has defended in his monthly journal, al-Risāla (Eng. version: Spirit of Islam), a large number of published books and pamphlets, and recently also through use of the internet and social media. Furthermore, as a religious leader and debater Khan has been active as a commentator in Indian national media and through religious dialogue meetings, for which he has received national awards and honours. Khan's religious thought may be summarised as a thorough attempt at presenting Islam, the Quran, and the example of the Prophet Muhammad as a systematic message of peace. Islam is described as a divine message calling for individual commitment and knowledge. Hence, Islam requires a setting of freedom, peace, and stability so that believers can choose its message without restriction. The Quran is regarded as highlighting non-violent patience as the most significant virtue and peace is both a divine quality as well as a requirement for salvation. The religious ideal of the Prophet Muhammad is not his political achievements. Instead, the Prophet's message is understood as peaceful negotiation and success through turning conflict into friendship as the ultimate path to end hatred, violence, and persecution. The concept of jihad is seen as essential to this type of peace-building struggle; spreading Islam only through preaching, as well as overcoming the hurdles of the self and ego, for instance anger and violent impulses. By situating Khan's thought in a context of historical and contemporary debate on the meaning of Islam, this study argues that he continues and develops the nineteenth century Indian Islamic Modernist tradition of presenting Islam, non-violence, and peace in relation to issues of the modern state and the minority situation of Indian Muslims. This type of religious position became nationally prominent from the 1920s during the Indian independence movement. In the contemporary Indian political and social situation however, Hindu nationalist and anti-Muslim rhetoric is being followed by large-scale violence. Khan's thinking aims to dissociate the rhetorical connection between Islam and violence, while supporting the democratic, pluralist, and secular trappings of the state. The analysis of Khan's thought considers Islamic Modernism and unmarked reform Sufi Islam, alongside the secularism, democratic liberalism, and reform socialism of the Indian constitution. However, these thematic and discursive structures of thought are formulated by Khan with regard to a certain historical situation, and address particular political and social issues. Studying the various connections between Khan's thought, the ideological and religious debates, and the historical context of Indian and global society, the final analysis of this study takes on the theoretical issue of whether contemporary and globalised religion can be a force for the development of more democratic and peaceful societies.