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Analyzes links with recent inter-ethnic violence and separatism.

Recent literature in race, ethnicity, and politics has assessed how minority linked fate, defined as "the idea that ethnoracial minorities might share a sense of commonality that extends beyond their particular ethnoracial group to other ethnoracial groups (Gershon et al., in Politics Groups Identities 7(3):642–653, 2019)," shapes attitudes toward descriptive representation and support for coalition building. However, scholarship has yet to examine the influence of minority linked fate on political participation. We argue that similar to those who view the interests of co-ethnics as a proxy for their individual interests, Latina/os, Asian Americans, and African Americans who express linked fate with a more expansive minority community are more likely to take political action. This political participation results from senses of obligation to and solidarity with other racial minorities outside of their own. Results from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey show that controlling for conventional measures of linked fate, minority linked fate is associated primarily with more system-challenging modes of political activity for Latina/os, Asian Americans, and African Americans. We conclude by positioning minority linked fate as a complementary heuristic to traditional notions of intra-racial linked fate and note how shared inter-racial linked fate informs our understanding of recent political activism among people of color. SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION: The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s11109-021-09750-6.

AbstractThe Liberal International Order is in crisis. While the symptoms are clear to many, the deep roots of this crisis remain obscured. We propose that the Liberal International Order is in tension with the older Sovereign Territorial Order, which is founded on territoriality and borders to create group identities, the territorial state, and the modern international system. The Liberal International Order, in contrast, privileges universality at the expense of groups and group rights. A recognition of this fundamental tension makes it possible to see that some crises that were thought to be unconnected have a common cause: the neglect of the coordinating power of borders. We sketch out new research agendas to show how this tension manifests itself in a broad range of phenomena of interest.

This article explores the experiences of the largest minority group in Scotland: the English-born. To date the English in Scotland are a relatively under researched group. Our research indicates that a key experience for many English people in Scotland is that of a constant reminder of difference. This can make questions of 'belonging' problematic. Constructions of 'Englishness', via often routine and mundane interactions with Scottish people, were often foisted upon those perceived to be English. This has implications for how we understand 'Englishness' and 'Scottishness' and the development of national identities more generally; particularly for minority groups. The article also argues that for many Scots 'the English' continue to be the key 'other' that helps to define what it is to be 'Scottish'.

Previous research has demonstrated the relevance of voters' and candidates' group memberships on voting behavior. We examined the impact of voters' race (Black vs. White) and gender (male vs. female) on voting preferences for either Barack Obama or Hillary Clinton in the Democratic primaries and caucuses of 2008. Study 1 investigated national exit poll data, representative for voters from various U.S. states. Analyses revealed a same-race and same-gender voting preference. Confirming the threat hypothesis (Blalock, 1967), same-race preference among White voters (but not among Black voters) increased with the proportion of Blacks per state. In Study 2, we assessed voting preferences, racial identification, and perceived realistic threat by Blacks among White voters. High racial identification was associated with a stronger same-race preference. This effect was mediated by perceived realistic threat. We discuss the results with regard to the intergroup threat versus contact hypothesis, and psychological differences between racial majority and minority members. Adapted from the source document.

We study how considerations of male circumcision as both a favourable practice and as protective against HIV are linked with ethnicity in sub-Saharan Africa, where many ethnic groups do not traditionally circumcise. We focus on Malawi, a country with a high HIV prevalence but low male circumcision prevalence. Survey data from a population-based random sample in rural Malawi (N=3400) was analysed for ethnoregional patterns in attitudes toward male circumcision. We used logit regression models to measure how reported circumcision status, region of residence, and ethnic identity relate to attitudes toward circumcision. Overall, Malawians reported more negative than positive opinions about male circumcision, but attitudes toward circumcision varied by ethnicity and region. The implications for agencies and governments aggressively scaling up the provision of male circumcision are clear: acceptance of circumcision as a tool for HIV prevention could be low in societies divided by ethnoregional identities that also shape the practice of circumcision.

El presente artículo realiza un análisis de las agendas presidenciales de Colombia en las elecciones a la Presidencia de la República de 2018, enfatizando en las principales propuestas de los candidatos, en relación con la implementación de lo acordado en La Habana con la insurgencia de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) y el proceso de negociación con el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). Para ello se realiza un seguimiento a los programas políticos de los diferentes candidatos a la Presidencia, sus comparecencias públicas y los mensajes emitidos a través de sus redes sociales. En este sentido, el artículo muestra cómo durante la campaña electoral se configuraron dos posturas: una basada en rectificar, ajustar o modificar el acuerdo suscrito con las FARC-EP y priorizar la respuesta armada al ELN; y otra sustentada en el mantenimiento de los Acuerdos de La Habana y la búsqueda de una solución negociada al conflicto con el ELN. Se concluye, mostrando cómo la campaña electoral a la Presidencia de la República de 2018 supuso un agudizamiento de la polarización y radicalización en la resolución de los conflictos internos. ; This article aims at analyzing several candidates' agenda during the first and second rounds of the 2018 Presidential elections in Colombia. This analysis focuses on the candidates' proposals concerning the implementation of La Habana Peace Agreement with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia -Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) and the negotiation with the Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN). With that purpose in mind, this article evaluates political statements, public appearances, and social media communication from all the candidates to the presidency. As a result, this research evidences two different points: one aimed at rectifying, adjusting, or modifying the agreement with FARC-EP and prioritizing an armed response against the ELN; and other aimed at maintaining the La Habana Peace Agreement and negotiating a political agreement with the ELN. Finally, the article concludes that the 2018 Presidential campaign led to the polarization and political radicalization in the internal conflict resolution.

Urban, juvenile, cultures, are configured as spaces of identity and socialization of youths for youths, and are strengthened with the weakening of the traditional integration mechanisms (school, family, works religion) and the disrepute of the political institutions, in this context, urban cultural studies acquire relevance, where young people emerge as individuals and as productive groups of Culture because of their ways of understanding and taking on the world.The juvenile Cultures are confronting the structuring identity, thus we recognize in them the emergence of instable, mobile, current, rootless identities. which confront the traditional notion of identity: fixed, unique, and homogeneous. The renewed juvenile identities are denominated fragmented identities. pre-formative identities, for the identities developed in juvenile cultures are adapted, disfigured, or reconstructed by the young people: they invent their own identity and even more so, they are unfaithful, that is, they resist to remaining any polished, defined, determined, or structured identity.The collective relationship, juvenile culture-esthetics-identity, opens up a renewed perspective of researching which we are carrying out to the University of Medellin and it pretends to show the core role Which music fulfills as a juvenile identity force which, furthermore, enhances the possibilities of creation and cultural production of the youths for the youths. ; Las culturas juveniles urbanas se configuran como espacios de identidad y socialización de jóvenes para jóvenes, y se fortalecen con el debilitamiento de los mecanismos de integración tradicional (escuela, familia, trabajo, religión) y el descrédito de las instituciones políticas. En este contexto adquieren relevancia los estudios culturales urbanos, donde los jóvenes aparecen corno sujetos y grupos productores de cultura por sus maneras de (entender: y asumir el mundo.Las culturas juveniles confrontan las identidades estructurantes, por eso reconocemos en ellas la emergencia de identidades inestables, móviles, presentes, sin arraigo. que confrontan la noción tradicional de identidad fija, única y homogénea. Las renovadas identidades juveniles son denominadas identidades fragmentadas. identidades perfor­mativas, pues las identidades que se gestan en las culturas juveniles son apropiadas, desfiguradas o reconstruidas por los jóvenes: ellos y ellas inventan su identidad y más aún son in–fieles, es decir, se resisten a permanecer en una forma identitaria acabada, definida, determinada, estructurada.La relación cultura juvenil –estética– Identidad colectiva abre una renovada perspectiva de investigación que adelantamos en la Universidad de Medellín, y pretende mostrar el papel central que cumple la música, como una fuerza identitaria juvenil, que además potencia la posibilidad de creación y producción cultural, de los jóvenes para los jóvenes.Investigación financiada por la Dirección de Investigaciones de la Universidad de Medellín.

Urban, juvenile, cultures, are configured as spaces of identity and socialization of youths for youths, and are strengthened with the weakening of the traditional integration mechanisms (school, family, works religion) and the disrepute of the political institutions, in this context, urban cultural studies acquire relevance, where young people emerge as individuals and as productive groups of Culture because of their ways of understanding and taking on the world.The juvenile Cultures are confronting the structuring identity, thus we recognize in them the emergence of instable, mobile, current, rootless identities. which confront the traditional notion of identity: fixed, unique, and homogeneous. The renewed juvenile identities are denominated fragmented identities. pre-formative identities, for the identities developed in juvenile cultures are adapted, disfigured, or reconstructed by the young people: they invent their own identity and even more so, they are unfaithful, that is, they resist to remaining any polished, defined, determined, or structured identity.The collective relationship, juvenile culture-esthetics-identity, opens up a renewed perspective of researching which we are carrying out to the University of Medellin and it pretends to show the core role Which music fulfills as a juvenile identity force which, furthermore, enhances the possibilities of creation and cultural production of the youths for the youths. ; Las culturas juveniles urbanas se configuran como espacios de identidad y socialización de jóvenes para jóvenes, y se fortalecen con el debilitamiento de los mecanismos de integración tradicional (escuela, familia, trabajo, religión) y el descrédito de las instituciones políticas. En este contexto adquieren relevancia los estudios culturales urbanos, donde los jóvenes aparecen corno sujetos y grupos productores de cultura por sus maneras de (entender: y asumir el mundo.Las culturas juveniles confrontan las identidades estructurantes, por eso reconocemos en ellas la emergencia de identidades inestables, móviles, presentes, sin arraigo. que confrontan la noción tradicional de identidad fija, única y homogénea. Las renovadas identidades juveniles son denominadas identidades fragmentadas. identidades perfor­mativas, pues las identidades que se gestan en las culturas juveniles son apropiadas, desfiguradas o reconstruidas por los jóvenes: ellos y ellas inventan su identidad y más aún son in–fieles, es decir, se resisten a permanecer en una forma identitaria acabada, definida, determinada, estructurada.La relación cultura juvenil –estética– Identidad colectiva abre una renovada perspectiva de investigación que adelantamos en la Universidad de Medellín, y pretende mostrar el papel central que cumple la música, como una fuerza identitaria juvenil, que además potencia la posibilidad de creación y producción cultural, de los jóvenes para los jóvenes.Investigación financiada por la Dirección de Investigaciones de la Universidad de Medellín.

AbstractThis article is one of a series commissioned byGovernment and Oppositionexploring identity politics in several national and international contexts. Most discussions of 'the Canadian identity' focus on how 'being Canadian' relates to various sub-state group identities, such as Québécois, Aboriginal or immigrant identities. There is often said to be a distinctly Canadian model of reconciling national identity with sub-group identities. I argue that the Canadian model of accommodating identities is not unique, but rather reflects broader trends throughout the West. I also suggest that an equally important but neglected part of 'being Canadian' is the external dimension i.e., how Canadians relate to the wides world.

This paper aims to identify the factors responsible for reluctance of centre to decentralise power and imitation of the same trend in provinces while dealing with minority ethno-lingual identities. The paper explores questions: what is the nature of federalism in Pakistan? How federal question is dealt in the three constitutions of the republic? How differently ethnic groups responded to various federal arrangements orchestrated by the managers of the state over the years? Objectives of the study are to develop an understanding into the challenges posed to federalism in Pakistan and to develop a more inclusive approach for addressing the federal question. The discussion generated in this study is based upon qualitative analysis of existing published literature in the form of books, research articles, reports, and official documents. The narrative upon which the federation of Pakistan has been constructed is self-contradictory. The paper not only exposes the contradictions of this narrative but also includes societal perspective on the ethnic diversity and federation of Pakistan. It has been concluded that the crisis generated by over-centralisation of the state could only be resolved by ensuring the fundamental federal values like decentralization, provincial autonomy, and devolution within the provinces to the grass root level.