Suchergebnisse

У статті здійснюється узагальнення скандинавського досвіду формування компетентностей для демократичного громадянства засобами неформальної освіти дорослих; показано роль ідей і концепції Н. Ф. С. Грундтвіга у становленні та розвиткові неформальної освіти дорослих у контексті формування демократичного громадянства; розкриваються сутність і значення фолкеоплюснінг як унікального скандинавського механізму формування громадянства та демократії; визначаються особливості функціонування вищих народних шкіл, освітніх асоціацій та інших освітніх інституцій у розбудові демократичного громадянського суспільства; окреслюються специфічні форми й методи навчання в закладах неформальної освіти дорослих з метою формування демократичного громадянства. ; In the article the Scandinavian experience of forming competences for democratic citizenship by means of non-formal adult education are summarized; the role of Grundtvig's ideas and concept in the development of non-formal adult education in the context of formation of democratic citizenship are shown; the essence and importance of folkeoplysning as a unique Scandinavian mechanism for citizenship and democracy are revealed; the peculiarities of functioning of Folk higher schools, educational associations and other education institutions in the development of democratic civil society are identified; specific forms and methods of learning in the context of development of democratic citizenship in Scandinavian countries are outlined. In order to achieve the goal, we used a retrospective analysis that helped to trace the particularities of the formation and development of non-formal adult education as a mechanism for the formation of democratic citizenship in Scandinavian countries; structural and logical analysis, which contributed to the study of legal support for Folk higher schools in the context of the formation of democratic citizenship; structural and functional analysis, which made it possible to identify the specific features of Folk higher schools as the centers of formation of folkeoplysning and to find out the peculiarities of their functioning; system-structural and comparative analysis, which helped to identify common and different in the studied countries. It has been established that the problem of democratic citizenship in the Scandinavian countries is given particular attention; non-formal adult education is an important mechanism for the formation of democratic citizenship, harmoniously combining and developing two components: the adult's personal development and the ability and need for active participation in community affairs, the ability to defend citizenship, cooperate with other people. Its main distinctive, purely "Scandinavian" features are: it is based on the Grundtvig's concept of "Folkeoplysning"; democracy as a guiding principle for society and organizations, the educational process, relations between people, and the formation of civic competences; equality as the main principle of functioning, as the principle of equality between participants of the educational process; leading characteristics – freedom, voluntariness, openness and personality-oriented learning; association with popular movements, associations, informal organizations; freedom to participate in educational groups, study at Folk higher schools, educational associations, adult education centers, use of public libraries; Folkeoplysning has great potential for the development of democratic citizenship, as it is able to contribute to solving problems of the local community, and through it to influence democratic shifts in society.

В Венгрии и Словакии на протяжении 2010-2015 гг. отмечается рост ксенофобских настроений в обществе, активизируются праворадикальные и экстремистские группировки. Цель статьи заключается в сопоставлении наиболее существенных факторов, стимулирующих ксенофобию в двух странах. Предварительно мы предприняли попытку типологизировать праворадикальные организации и выяснить их электоральные характеристики. Наше предположение состоит в том, что деятельность праворадикальных и экстремистских организаций оказывает влияние на формирование ксенофобских социальных практик в Венгрии и Словакии, которое обусловлено рядом факторов. В работе использованы эмпирические данные, полученные в ходе социологических опросов, проведенных ведущими исследовательскими центрами Венгрии и Словакии, международными организациями, а также статистические данные органов государственной власти, институтов гражданского общества. Средствами факторного анализа нами определены основные направления и формы деятельности правых радикалов; определено значение социально-экономической динамики развития стран; охарактеризовано отношение общества, закона и правящей элиты к проблемам ксенофобии и правому радикализму. К числу наиболее влиятельных факторов можно отнести: открытую пропаганду националистических идей; конституционный приоритет интересов этнического большинства; парламентский статус праворадикальных партий; попустительство деятельности правых радикалов со стороны правящей элиты, судов и полиции. Сопоставление фактор стимулирующих ксенофобские практики в Венгрии и Словакии отчасти не подтвердило распространенную гипотезу о существенном влиянии экономического кризиса, дефицита образования и политической пассивности на формирование ксенофобских практик в молодежной среде. Кумулятивным социально-экономическим фактором обнаружила себя профессиональная фрустрация провинциальной молодежиIn Hungary and Slovakia during 2010-2015 there has been an increase in xenophobic attitudes in society; rightwing and extremist groups are activating there as well. The purpose of this article is to compare the most significant factors which encourage xenophobia. Previously we have identified the types of right-wing organizations and found out their electoral characteristics. We assume that the activities of right-wing extremist organizations influence the formation of xenophobic social practices in Hungary and Slovakia, which arise from the range of factors. In this article we used empirical data gained as a result of public opinion polls conducted by the leading research centers in Hungary and Slovakia, by international organizations, as well as statistics of public authorities and civil society institutions. By means of factor analysis, we identified the main directions and forms of activity of right-wing radicals; determined the value of socio-economic dynamics of the country's development; characterized the attitude of society, the law and the ruling elite to the problems of xenophobia and right-wing radicalism. Among the most influential factors we identified: open propaganda of nationalist ideas; constitutional priority of the ethnic majority interests; parliamentary status of rightwing parties; condoning the activities of right-wing radicals by the ruling elite, the courts and the police. The comparison of factors stimulating xenophobic practices in Hungary and Slovakia didn't confirm the hypothesis of common significant influence of the economic crisis, lack of education and political passivity on the formation of xenophobic practices among young people. The professional frustration of provincial youth discovered itself as a cumulative socioeconomic factor.

This thesis asks the question "What is the role of journalism in social innovation?" It explores how journalism is redefined when it engages in the creation of "the new" in society. The study analyzes four cases of journalism-related social innovation in two countries – the USA and Finland: a contentious national media event; crowdsourcing for legislation; a series of dialogic innovation workshops in Finland; an environment of data-based civic innovation in the USA. Social innovation is defined as innovations that work in meeting social goals. In literature and the contemporary discussion on the crisis of journalism, innovation is required to restore journalisms' legitimacy and financial sustainability. Simultaneously, innovations that affect and challenge journalistic work increasingly emerge from outside the newsrooms. Despite the potential for mutually beneficial co-operation, professional journalism is either absent, or a passive observer, in these environments. Journalism risks losing relevance and trust in the grassroots of society, as was exemplified during the presidential election in the USA and the Brexit referendum in the UK in 2016. This thesis argues that journalism is increasingly required to operate in flexible roles in networks of social innovation. The thesis suggests various emerging practices available for journalists to collaborate in these environments. It also introduces the type of dialogic journalism to understand how journalism can participate in networks of social innovation. The thesis characterizes dialogic journalism by co-creating solutions for social problems across organizational borders. Strong innovative dialogue appears to emerge in environments of physical proximity among people from diverse organizational backgrounds. The argument is that holding spaces are the social structures in which open-ended and non-judgmental dialogue among journalists and the former audience can take place. In these spaces, the making of meaning is not only rational but also social, emotive and corporeal. Journalists are invited to temporarily abandon their position as disinterested observers of events. Research on innovation in journalism has focused on technology-driven, newsroom led innovation. Consequently, the role of journalism in social innovation has been largely reactive. This thesis introduces a way of thinking about innovation as a dialogue over organizational and professional boundaries. The relevance of the findings to journalism theory is analyzed through the research theme of participatory journalism. The thesis argues that Bohm's (1996) dialogue, although challenging and seldom accomplished in its pure form, is compatible with the ideals of journalism, for which the participatory journalism movement calls. Traditionally, participatory journalism is viewed as citizens' participation to journalistic projects initiated by newsrooms. This study suggests an inverted model: that professional journalists could also seek to contribute to journalism-related innovations in collaboration with the civil society. The findings are critically reflected against professional journalism's ideology of objectivity. The findings question the relevance of the journalists' role as an "objective" outsider, in an era when journalistic work requires openness to professional and personal change. Suspension of professional roles and judgment may be a requirement for learning. Furthermore, through dialogue, journalists can also learn new practices of innovation and overcome resistance to change in newsrooms.

Цель статьи анализ социально-исторических предпосылок формирования юридического мировоззрения как комплексной системы чувств, ценностей и рациональных представлений об обществе, основанных на определяющей роли права и законности в социальной жизни. Задачи работы выявление основных факторов появления юридического мировоззрения в Новое время, определение значения юридического мировоззрения для последующего социального развития. В статье использован сравнительно-исторический метод, позволивший сопоставить традиционное и модерное общество, феодальное и буржуазное право. Применение социокультурного подхода способствовало выявлению факторов формирования юридического мировоззрения, в числе которых объединяющее значение права, возрастание его роли, антифеодальные настроения, гражданское общество, идеи о естественном праве. Автор делает вывод о том, что появление юридического мировоззрения освободило человека от пиетета перед религией и политической властью феодального типа, схоластикой и догматическими авторитетами, предложив ему новую систему ценностей, основанную на разуме и равенстве. Именно оно сформировало уважение человека к правам и свободам, доверие к демократическим институтам, законопослушность, обостренное чувство социальной справедливости. Разработка юридического мировоззрения внесла вклад в развитие правовой мысли, представлений о правовых и конституционных основах государственной политики. В итоге современная юриспруденция стала развитой системой хорошо изученных норм, отраслей, институтов, востребованной во всех сферах общественной жизни. Результаты статьи могут найти применение в образовательной деятельности при разработке курсов по истории права и философскими проблемам мировоззрения. ; The purpose of the article is to analyze socio-historical conditions of formation of the legal Weltanschauung as a complex system of feelings, values and rational ideas about society, based on the determining role of law and legislation in social life. Objectives of the paper are to identify the main factors of the legal Weltanschauung appearance in modern times, and to define the role of the legal Weltanschauung for future social development. The comparative-historical method is used, which allowed to compare the traditional and the modern society, the feudal and bourgeois right. The use of socio-cultural approach helped the author to identify factors of the development of the legal Weltanschauung, such as uniting role of the low, increase of its role, anti-feudal sentiments, civil society, and the idea of natural law. The author concludes that the legal Weltanschauung has freed man from reverence to religion and political power of the feudal type, scholastic and dogmatic authorities offered him a new set of values based on reason and equality. It has shaped the respect to human rights and freedom, trust to democratic institutions, law-abidance, and sense of social justice. Development of the legal Weltanschauung has contributed to the development of legal thought, understanding of the legal and constitutional foundations of state policy. The result was the development of modern law system of well-studied standards, sectors, institutions, needed in all spheres of public life. The results can be used in educational activities in the development of courses on the history of law and the philosophical problems of Weltanschauung.

The legislation of the European Union towards national and ethnic minorities - the case of RomaThe European Union is still in the stage of creating the system of protection of national and ethnic minorities. Attempts of the European Parliament to improve the situation in the European Union need research and reflection. Social integration is the most important plane guaranteeing European integration, which is the basis for the future functioning of the European Union. The European community, which will be characterized by a common identity, will not be made up of individual countries but nations retaining their own diversity. Despite many efforts of the European Union the situation of the Roma minority has not dramatically improved. The main reasons are insufficient actions by the European Union, corruption of officials, and lack of interest for the Roma community among the Member States. So far, the measures taken have not produced desired results, so it's necessary to devote more attention to this issue. The European Union needs strong support from other EU institutions and civil society. The main problem that affects the Roma community is long and difficult road to integration and acceptance by the other citizens of the European Union. A common phenomenon is the reluctance to strangers who are victims of discrimination. Strongly rooted stereotypes, lack of tolerance for other cultures proves that even the best-designed programs, as well as initiatives from the European Union are not sufficient. First of all, there is a need for commitment and unforced intercultural education from both the Roma and the rest of society, which will lead to mutual respect for differences. The phenomenon of social exclusion of the Roma minority is often related to their lifestyle, habits and patterns different from the rest of the society. Help which is offered by the European Union and the Member States is generally perceived as an attempt to breach the culture of the Roma minority and replace it with another. That is why the European Union should develop a range of mechanisms and measures that may be accepted by the Roma. Ustawodawstwo Unii Europejskiej wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych - casus romskiUnia Europejska znajduje się dopiero na etapie tworzenia systemu ochrony mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych, jednak niezbędne będzie podjęcie wielu starań, debat oraz działań, w które koniecznie zaangażowane muszą być wszystkie państwa członkowskie. Próby podejmowane przez Parlament Europejski w celu poprawy sytuacji mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Unii Europejskiej mogą być odpowiednim impulsem do wstępnych refleksji. Pomimo wielu starań Unii Europejskiej oraz wykorzystania funduszy unijnych sytuacja mniejszości romskiej nie uległa dużej poprawie. Głównymi przyczynami są niedostateczne działania ze strony Unii Europejskiej, korupcja urzędników, a także brak zainteresowania społecznością romską państw członkowskich. Dotychczas podjęte działania nie przyniosły zamierzonych rezultatów, dlatego konieczne jest poświęcenie większej uwagi tej kwestii. Unia Europejska potrzebuje mocnego wsparcia innych instytucji unijnych oraz społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

The legislation of the European Union towards national and ethnic minorities - the case of RomaThe European Union is still in the stage of creating the system of protection of national and ethnic minorities. Attempts of the European Parliament to improve the situation in the European Union need research and reflection. Social integration is the most important plane guaranteeing European integration, which is the basis for the future functioning of the European Union. The European community, which will be characterized by a common identity, will not be made up of individual countries but nations retaining their own diversity. Despite many efforts of the European Union the situation of the Roma minority has not dramatically improved. The main reasons are insufficient actions by the European Union, corruption of officials, and lack of interest for the Roma community among the Member States. So far, the measures taken have not produced desired results, so it's necessary to devote more attention to this issue. The European Union needs strong support from other EU institutions and civil society. The main problem that affects the Roma community is long and difficult road to integration and acceptance by the other citizens of the European Union. A common phenomenon is the reluctance to strangers who are victims of discrimination. Strongly rooted stereotypes, lack of tolerance for other cultures proves that even the best-designed programs, as well as initiatives from the European Union are not sufficient. First of all, there is a need for commitment and unforced intercultural education from both the Roma and the rest of society, which will lead to mutual respect for differences. The phenomenon of social exclusion of the Roma minority is often related to their lifestyle, habits and patterns different from the rest of the society. Help which is offered by the European Union and the Member States is generally perceived as an attempt to breach the culture of the Roma minority and replace it with another. That is why the European Union should develop a range of mechanisms and measures that may be accepted by the Roma. Ustawodawstwo Unii Europejskiej wobec mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych - casus romskiUnia Europejska znajduje się dopiero na etapie tworzenia systemu ochrony mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych, jednak niezbędne będzie podjęcie wielu starań, debat oraz działań, w które koniecznie zaangażowane muszą być wszystkie państwa członkowskie. Próby podejmowane przez Parlament Europejski w celu poprawy sytuacji mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych w Unii Europejskiej mogą być odpowiednim impulsem do wstępnych refleksji. Pomimo wielu starań Unii Europejskiej oraz wykorzystania funduszy unijnych sytuacja mniejszości romskiej nie uległa dużej poprawie. Głównymi przyczynami są niedostateczne działania ze strony Unii Europejskiej, korupcja urzędników, a także brak zainteresowania społecznością romską państw członkowskich. Dotychczas podjęte działania nie przyniosły zamierzonych rezultatów, dlatego konieczne jest poświęcenie większej uwagi tej kwestii. Unia Europejska potrzebuje mocnego wsparcia innych instytucji unijnych oraz społeczeństwa obywatelskiego.

Die Diplomarbeit zum Thema ?Kunst & Kritik? soll den Vergleich zwischen dem westlichen, politischen und dem chinesischen, avantgardistischen Künstler veranschaulichen. Es werden die allgemeinen Aufgaben der Kritik und ihre Voraussetzungen sowie die Grenzen der Kunst, die Entwicklung vom engagierten zum politischen Künstler im Westen und die Entfaltung des avantgardistischen zum dissidenten Künstler in China aufgezeigt. Im ersten Teil der Diplomarbeit soll anhand einer Untersuchung der Aufgaben von Kritik, der theoretischen und historischen Grundlagen für die Entwicklung des ?engagierten? hin zum ?politischen Künstler? sowie der Voraussetzungen und Hürden für sein Schaffen im Westen und in China aufgezeigt werden. Im zweiten Abschnitt soll demnach an ausgewählten chinesischen Werken aus Malerei und Grafik gezeigt werden, wie ?frei?, beziehungsweise ?unfrei? der kritische Künstler vor, während und nach der Kulturrevolution arbeiten konnte, vor allem aber wie die Zeit nach der Herrschaft Mao Zedongs die Herausbildung einer avantgardistischen Künstlerbewegung bis ins Jahr 1989 gefördert hat. Aufgrund der Öffnung Chinas zur westlichen Welt hat sich in den 1990er Jahren nicht nur die chinesische Gesellschaft, Politik und Wirtschaft verändert, sondern es haben sich auch Änderungen in der Kultur und in den Künsten aufgetan, die unter anderem anhand der beiden Kunstrichtungen ?Zynischer Realismus? und ?Politischer Pop? zu erkennen waren. Am Ende dieser Diplomarbeit soll schließlich demonstriert werden, wie all diese Faktoren der kritischen Kunst in den 1990er-Jahren in der chinesischen Kunst zu tragen kamen. Anhand ausgewählter Beispiele des chinesischen Künstlers Wang Guangyi soll er als Vertreter des dissidenten Künstlers in China gezeigt und seine Art der gesellschafts- und regimekritischen Kunst veranschaulicht werden. ; This Diploma-Thesis with the topic ?Arts & Critique? should draw a comparison between the political Western and the vanguard Chinese art. On the one hand, the thesis deals with the general function of critique and its preconditions, as well as the possible limits of critical arts; on the other hand, the development of the political artist in the West as well as the evolvement from the vanguard to the dissident artist in China will be shown. The first part of this thesis therefore examines the historical development of the political artist in the West who started to emerge after a democratic system was installed in Europe at the end of the 18th century and after a kind of civil society started to establish. With the help of some selected works the aspects of the regime- and sociocritical art should be illustrated, in order to be able to compare this Western art form to the critical Chinese art in the second part. Thus, the subsequent part of the thesis will demonstrate how free and restricted respectively the political artist was able to work during the Mao-era on the basis. After the Cultural Revolution has ended, the Chinese art scene saw profound changes, which consequently led to the evolvement of an avantgard artist movement. After China?s opening to the West modern influences on society, economy and politics and the arts respectively could not be stopped which led to the formation of two new trends, namely the ?Cynical Realism? and the ?Political Pop?. The last part of the thesis should finally demonstrate in which way all those modern influences from the West played a part in the formation of critical arts in China, which saw its heyday in the 1990?s, hence encouraged and influenced artists like Wang Guangyi in their works. With the help of some selected artworks his oeuvre should be illustrated, as well as how his critique of the Chinese regime and society was incorporated in his arts. ; vorgelegt von Julia Hartmann ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2012 ; (VLID)221943

Рассматриваются теоретические подходы к пониманию сущности социального предпринимательства и практические аспекты данного феномена в условиях современного российского общества, а также определяются основные технологии социального партнерства. ; Over the past two decades significant changes underwent in the political, economic and social life of the country. Significant transformations have affected all sectors of the society: the public sector has transformed, it departed from the principles of monopoly control of the social sphere and the industrial sector; a fundamentally new private sector has formed, an independent third sector is forming in the emerging civil society. Thus, in the past two decades, three relatively independent sectors were built in Russia and there was a rethink of the principles of management of social issues that require understanding of cross-sector cooperation and developing partnership arrangements of the state, business and NGOs. Сross-sector social partnership is a perfect triangle of relations between the three subjects of social policy, which are equally prepared for cross-sector cooperation. Now it is accepted that the weakest party in this triangle is the non-profit sector. It should be noted that throughout the last decade, forming of the Russian non-profit sector was of "spontaneous" nature, but today the NGO approached the critical point where the knowledge and professionalism have become the decisive factor in achieving goals. An important question of the functioning of modern non-profit organizations is the issue of funding, on which not only its current position, but also its future development depends. The peculiarity of funding non-profit organizations is multi-revenue, which, on the one hand, ensures the independence, but, on the other hand, leads to the unstable nature of funding; permanently limited funds and scarcity of material resources. Despite the apparent diversity of potential sources of funding, they can be divided into three parts: internal (Russian) sources of funding, foreign aid, and activity of the third sector. In terms of this, qualitative and quantitative growth of precedents of using technologies of social entrepreneurship by NGOs becomes really important. It is obvious that social enterprises are useful both for direct beneficiaries, and for the state and NGOs. The search for sustainable mechanisms to solve social problems has been conducted for a long time. It is quite possible that the social enterprise as one of these mechanisms has the right to exist. Nevertheless, the situation today is that the concept of social entrepreneurship is realized by representatives of the third sector on an intuitive level that indicates the presence of an acute need for theoretical understanding of this phenomenon and practical adaptation of technologies of social entrepreneurship to the modern Russian society. In this article the author attempts to systematize the existing theoretical approaches to understanding the essence of social entrepreneurship, make a clear distinction between this phenomenon, charity and social responsibility, as well as explore possibilities for practical application of technologies of social entrepreneurship in the activities of the non-profit sector.

Metadata only record ; Abuses of human rights occur in forest conflicts all over the world, from Canada and the USA to Brazil, from Kenya to Indonesia. In many cases, blatant and often brutal abuses occur when a conflict escalates, following the violation of internationally recognized rights to land, a decent standard of living, and a clean and healthy environment. Looked at on their own, many of these examples of abuse may be regarded as isolated incidents of criminal activity. Put together, it becomes clear there is a recurring pattern of human rights violations linked to forest loss. Why? Forests are a contested resource, with many different values and functions for different people. Fair decisions on their use thus need wide participation from all sectors of society. While sustainable development rhetoric and international declarations emphasize the need for participatory decision-making, lack of respect for human rights and democratic processes renders this impossible in many cases. Giving a political voice to all sectors of society, upholding human rights and ensuring a more equitable balance of power amongst those with differing interests in forests is essential to halt the forest crisis. When this does not happen - when civil society is muzzled and the rights of local communities denied - forests are open to the most ruthless of interests. This report illustrates the widespread nature of human rights abuses linked to forest destruction. While not attempting to provide comprehensive coverage of such abuses, it provides examples from North to South, from tropical, temperate and boreal forests. Five detailed case studies in four different continents document the chain of causalities leading to human rights abuses. Three country analyses - of Indonesia, Mexico and Canada - sketch how human rights abuses are 'institutionalized' by forest laws, power structures and lack of participation. A list of shorter examples illustrates the range of human rights abuses and the spread across different continents. All cases have been carefully checked with the people directly involved and contact details for more information are provided. The case studies and country reports clearly show that the forest crisis is intricately linked to human rights abuses. Without halting these abuses and creating a climate in which the fate of the forests can be discussed in an open manner with all involved, there is little hope that the ongoing destruction of the world's forests can be stopped. Yet despite these overwhelming political and social imperatives, in national and international debates forests are often regarded, by NGOs as well as government officials, as a narrow environmental issue; the sustainable management of forests is often discussed in technical terms only. Even though human rights abuses may be outside the normal remit of environmental groups and government officials addressing forest issues, this report argues that addressing these abuses and the direct and underlying causes that lead to them, is central to a sustainable future for the world's forests. --Summary given in report

Civil war is fought between two political organizations, the state & a rebel group. Myriad theories of civil war have examined the role of state institutions & state strength, but little attention has been devoted to theorizing about rebel organizations themselves. The organizational structure of rebel groups is examined to understand patterns of recruitment & allegiance. Drawing on principal-agent analysis of participation & incentive compatibility constraints & the analytical tradition of rent-seeking contests, a model is developed to demonstrate that three factors -- geography, ethnicity, & ideology -- play an important role in determining military success, deterring defection within the rebel group, & shaping recruitment. 3 Figures, 32 References. [Copyright 2002 Sage Publications, Inc.]

This article focuses on relations between army and politics in the Czech Republic after the 1989 Velvet Revolution. This article concludes that these relations in the Czech Republic achieved the parameters typical of consolidated democracies. The many problems that continue to exist in this area in the Czech Republic do not in any significant way deviate from what is typical of consolidated democracies. Therefore, the transformation of civil -military relations can be regarded as successful. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society/Sage Publications Inc.]

В данной статье комплексный феномен гражданско-военных отношений (ГВО) рассматривается с точки зрения его влияния на безопасность государства (на примере современной Германии). Взаимосвязь и взаимоотношения между военной организацией и обществом развиваются в различных сферах общественной жизни. В связи с этим гражданско-военные отношения находятся в тесной связи с безопасностью государства; различные негативные элементы, возникающие в системе гражданско-военных отношений, могут приводить к возникновению угроз национальной безопасности. ; In given article the complex phenomenon of civil-military relations is scrutinized as a factor influencing national security (as exemplified by Germany). The interrelationship of the military and society develop in different spheres of social life. As a result civil-military relations are closely intertwined with state security; various negative elements emerging within the system of civil-military relations can pose threats to state security.

The Civil Service, Towards Privatization
Since a long time, the evolution of Italian administration has been under the alternative influence of a hierarchical model (bureaucracy) and a business model (management). The Italian civil service has not escaped the consequences of this phenomenon : it was mainly based upon the hierarchical model and has resisted until recently to different attempts of modernization inspired by the business model. However, there seems to be a radical turn with the Legislative Decree n° 29/1993 — so-called privatization decree — which reforms dramatically the regulatory framework of public employment by decreasing the scope of legislative regulation and favouring collective agreements between unions and public employers. Another phenomenon is increasing : the "southernization" of the civil service is caracterized by a shortage of personnel in the North and a growing distance between administration and society.

Part of a review symposium (see abstracts of related articles) on a book by Will Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights (Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, 1995). Kymlicka's effort to create a comprehensive theory of justice, admittedly necessary in any multicultural society, is criticized as insufficient. The main characteristics of a normative framework for such a theory include the requirement that all citizens in the multicultural state equally accept the definitions of values & norms comprising the basic structure of that state. Although Kymlicka fundamentally views the liberal notion of choice as integral to the relationship between societal culture & individual autonomy, this is not seen as a generally shareable concept in a multicultural society. Thus, it cannot provide an impartial basis for justice, nor does it help Kymlicka clarify why diverse groups should value membership in the larger cultural group. A notion of moral autonomy is proposed as an alternative to Kymlicka's notion of personal autonomy as the basis for multicultural justice. Moral autonomy is more broadly generalizable because the autonomous individual cannot legitimately deny others their right to basic moral respect. The notion of moral tolerance places fewer restrictions on members of the multicultural state than does Kymlicka's concept of strong liberal tolerance & thereby offers a more realistic opportunity for all members to participate in creating a just society. B. Wolfe