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THIS PAPER STUDIED DIFFICULTIES IN THE CURRENT CARTOGRAPHIC INSTRUCTION CONCERNING THE POLITICAL MAP OF GERMANY DUE TO THE FACT THAT THE BORDER WITH EAST GERMANY AND WITH POLAND ARE NOT DE JURE ACCORDING TO THE BORDERS OF THE GERMAN REICH AS OF DEC 31 1937 THIS ISSUE IS IMPORTANT IN GERMANY AS DIFFERENT POLITICAL SYSTEMS ARE CONTAINED IN THE DIFFERENT FRONTIERS AND BORDERS CONTRIBUTE TO THE TERRITORIAL IDENTIFY OF A GROUP. IN THE PAST THE INTEGRATION OF LANDSCAPE GEOGRAPHY AND NATIONAL IDENTITY LED TOWARD AN EDUCATION FOR WAR. TO GIVE AN IDEA OF THE POLITICAL MENTALITY WHICH IS SYMBOLIZED BY THE DIFFERENT BORDERS, IT IS USEFUL TO TRANSFORM THE CARTOGRAPHIC LINES INTO A SORT OF 'MENTAL MAP', INTO A STUDY OF GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION. AT THE BEGINNING OF THIS STUDY WE LOOK AT THE TRADITION OF TERRITORIAL SOCIALIZATION, AT 'THE GERMAN CURRICULUM FOR WAR' WHICH HAS INFLUENCED SO MUCH OF OUR CENTURY. LOOKING AT POST-WAR GERMANY, WE HAVE TO ANALYSE THE PHENOMENON OF 'TOTALITARIANISM AS A BASIS FOR INGROUP-OUTGROUP EDUCATION'. THIS POLITICAL DOCTRINE IS ALSO AN IDEOLOGICAL INTRODUCTION TO 'WESTERN' AND 'EASTERN LESSONS ON POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY'. THE CONCLUDING DISCUSSIONS ARE ON 'BUNDESWEBR (WEST GERMAN ARMY) AND SAFEGUARDING THE PEACE AS A SUBJECT AT SCHOOL', AND 'THE FUTURE FOR "PEACE EDUCATION AT SCHOOL"'.

Despite declaring their intentions to recognize human-rights standards and international humanitarian law through the signing of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL), neither the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) nor the Communist Party of the Philippines -New People's Army-National Democratic Front (CPP-NPA-NDF) have been truly determined to improve the human rights situation in the Philippines caused by almost four decades of conflict. Both sides wish to destroy each other militarily as well as use the peace talks as a diversionary tactic. To say that one or both sides are not really serious about the whole process may seem too facile an explanation for the lack of progress in the talks. But indeed, neither side has demonstrated genuine sincerity to the process. The Philippine government is dominated by a politico-economic elite composed of powerful families that manipulate elections through patronage, corruption, and violence. Meanwhile, the CPP-NPA-NDF seeks to overthrow the government and establish a "people's democracy" based on a Stalinist-Maoist one-party dictatorship. The solution lies in third party forces: civil-society organizations and international political entities.

Zornaczuk, Tomasz (Dogus Author) ; The international community plays an essential role in resolving conflict in Kosovo. Military intervention in the conflict was undertaken by the international community in the spring 1999 as a response on violence and ethnic cleanings conducted by the Serbian forces in the province. A peace agreement has been signed after dozen weeks of air operation. From this time onwards the international community have been responsible for the peace-building process in Kosovo. Recently the most essential issue is the question of the final status of the province. This is supposed to be achieved under the supervision of the international community in order to establish peace and security in this former Yugoslav province. In this study I aim to examine and analyse involvement of the entire international community as well as its components in the Kosovo conflict. In my elaboration I explain changing attitudes, objectives and tasks, which were undertaken by international actors in the course of the conflict. In order to understand better the contemporary conflict in Kosovo I start with explanation of deep roots of the conflict. I provide with the overview of history of the Serbo-Albanian relations in the province and alternate it with different factors that contributed to the conflict. In the next chapter, I present theoretical approach to the conflict management and the third party intervention. Furthermore, I illustrate the role of the international community in the conflict resolution process. Subsequently, I provide with case study on intervention of the international community in the Kosovo conflict. Moreover, I present negotiations on ending the war and present the aims of the international community in the peace-building process. In the last chapter, I explain the role of the international community in post-war Kosovo. With regard to this I examine the peace-building operation under the international supervision. I conclude with discussion on the issue of the final status of Kosovo and the attitude of the international community towards this question. ; Introduction, 1 -- 1. Analysing the origins of the Kosovo conflict, 4 -- 1.1 lntroduction, 4 -- 1.2 Who invaded whom? The deep roots of the conflict, 5 -- 1.4 Who is taking revenge on whom? Serbo-Albanian relations under the Ottoman rule, 8 -- 1.5 Kosovo or Kosova? Multinationalism within the Yugoslav state, 10 -- 1.6 How did the economic situation contribute to the conflict?, 11 -- 1.7 The usage of the myth, 12 -- 1.8 With the enemy within one state. From independence of Serbia to military intervention, 14 -- 1.9 The role of nationalism and ethnicity in the conflict, 16 -- 1.10 Does the truth lie in between?, 19 -- 1.11 Conclusions, 20 -- 2. Theoretical framework of the conflict management and third party intervention, 23 -- 2.1 lntroduction, 23 -- 2.2 Typology of conflicts, 24 -- 2.3 What are the characteristics of conflict?, 25 -- 2.4 What are the characteristics of intervention?, 28 -- 2.5 When to intervene? The timing of intervention, 30 -- 2.7 How to intervene? From preventive diplomacy to peace operations, 31 -- 2.8 What is international community and what is its role in conflict resolution?, 35 -- 2.9 Conclıısions, 38 -- 3. Intervention of the interrnational community in the Kosovo conflict-case study, 39 -- 3.1 lntroduction, 39 -- 3.2 The limits of sovereignty and the limits of intervention, 40 -- 3.3 How did the Kosovo issue make it to the top of the international agenda? Internationalisation of the conflict, 43 -- 3.4 How the decision of military intervention in Kosovo conflict has been made?, 44 -- 3.4 Why did preventive diplornacy in the Kosovo conflict fail?, 48 -- 3.6 What to do with Kosovo? The settlement of the Kosovo question, 52 -- 3.7 Conclıısions, 54 -- 4. The role of the international community in post-war Kosovo, 57 -- 4.1 Introduction, 57 -- 4.2 lnternational community and security in Kosovo, 58 -- 4.3 lnternational community and democratisation process in Kosovo, 59 -- 4.4 International community and reconstrııction of economic and social system, 62 -- 4.5 A final status of Kosovo-the essential problem to be solved, 64 -- 4.6 The international commıınity and the question of the final status for Kosovo, 66 -- 4.7 Conclusions, 68 -- Conclusions, 70 -- References, 77

THE AUTHOR OF THIS ARTICLE CONTENDS THAT, THREE YEARS INTO THE CAMP DAVID PROCESS, IT IS TIME TO QUESTION ITS CONTINUED USEFULNESS. ON THE LEVEL OF BILATERAL RELATIONS, EGYPT AND ISRAEL HAVE FULFILLED OBLIGATIONS UNDER THE 1978 ACCORDS AND 1979 PEACE TREATY. BUT, HE SAYS, ATTEMPTS TO EXPAND THESE AGREEMENTS HAVE FAILED.

The King here writes to the Prince de Condé and expresses agreement that a conference in which peace could be obtained needs to be held. This letter, written in reply to preliminary efforts by the Prince de Condé: "Escrit à la Roche-foucault, le premier iour de Ianuier, 1616." ; Electronic reproduction ; 6 p. ; 17 cm.

China's fast-paced economic development and its rise as the global economic power house in the past decades awoke fears - and in part also perceptions of threat - among Western countries, especially the United States which has been afraid of international decline and internal weakening several times before. While trying to force China into playing a more responsible and constructive role within the international community (e.g. on issues such as climate and environmental agreements, nuclear weapons, international sanctions, etc.), the West also aims at containing China's military, diplomatic and economic expansion and influence on a regional and global scale. Building on theoretical discourses and political analyses, this article examines the geopolitical power shift among the United States, Europe and Asia caused by China's rise on the basis of empirical examples. The central research question addresses the consequences and effects of global power shifts within the international system (from the West to the East) for the transatlantic partnership on the one hand and the global position of Europe and the United States on the other. Thus, possible strategies of Western players for dealing with the challenges resulting from China's growing importance and the impacts on international relations are described and analyzed.(S+F/Pll)

This book analyses how certain types of social systems generate violent conflict and discusses how these systems can be transformed in order to create the conditions for positive peace. Resolving Structural Conflicts addresses a key issue in the field of conflict studies: what to do about violent conflicts that are not the results of misunderstanding, prejudice, or malice, but the products of a social system that generates violent conflict as part of its normal operations. This question poses enormous challenges to those interested in conflict resolution, since the solution to this problem involves restructuring social, political, and cultural systems rather than just calling in a mediator to help people arrive at an agreement. This study breaks new ground in showing how local conflicts involving crime, police, and prisons; transnational conflicts involving religious terrorism by groups like ISIS; and international conflicts involving Great Power clashes are all produced in large part by elite-driven, exploitative or oppressive social structures. It also presents new ideas about the implications of this 'structural turn'for the practice of conflict resolution, emphasizing the need for conflict resolvers to embrace a new politics and to broaden their methods far beyond traditional forms of facilitation. Written by a leading scholar, this book will be of much interest to students of conflict resolution, peace studies, war and conflict studies, sociology, political science and international relations in general.

This article assesses how Violent Dissident Irish Republican (VDR) groups have turned to funerary practice as a spoiling tactic in post-Good Friday Agreement (GFA) Northern Ireland. In doing so it moves the lens of interrogation away from the residual violence exercised by these groups and onto other nonviolent mechanisms and strategies. Locating this discussion within the wider study of the VDR phenomenon, the article asserts that militarised and ritualised funerals possess propagandistic and mobilisational benefits that make them particularly conducive to spoiling activity in a post-conflict site that is increasingly embracing the process of normalisation.

Анализируется опыт межтаджикских переговоров в качестве примера относительно успешного разрешения внутреннего конфликта. Переговоры длились более трех лет, в течение которых стороны обсудили целый ряд важных вопросов, начиная с положения беженцев и заканчивая вопросами политического переустройства республики. Серия раундов переговоров и личных встреч лидеров двух противоборствующих сторон завершилась подписанием Общего соглашения, которое позволило установить мир в Таджикистане, хотя о полном примирении сторон до сих пор не приходится говорить. ; The article analyses Inter-Tajik negotiations as a model of relatively successful internal conflict resolution. Civil War in Tajikistan was the bloodiest after the collapse of the USSR. Active hostilities continued for less than a year from April to December 1992, and then the war became positional and protracted. After the years of violations the war termination became the burning issue. The participants of Inter-Tajik Dialog launched in March 1993 within the Dartmouth Conferences began to clear the way for the future negotiations. In one year in April 1994 the official negotiations started. There are three first stages of conflict resolution: to cease the violation, to carry on a dialogue, to begin the negotiation process. In case of Inter-Tajik negotiations all these three stages took place simultaneously, not sequentially. The negotiations continued for more than three years. The parties discussed a whole number of important issues from the plight of the refugees to the political reforms. At first it was very hard to continue negotiations because the parties did not trust each other. Even some insignificant agreement required great efforts, but very often it was not realized due to disagreements inside the belligerents. Many times the negotiations were on the verge of breakdown and continued due to foreign pressure. The situation in neighbouring Afghanistan influenced the negotiation process very much. After the seizure of power by Taliban in September 1996 the Russian Federation pressed upon both parties to hasten the peace process. At the end of more than three years of talks and personal meetings of two leaders the General agreement was signed. It permitted to establish peace in Tajikistan, still it was not full reconciliation. As a result of agreements the opposition was involved in distribution of political resources, but to some extent. Today the situation in the Republic is uneasy; the government controls not all the territory of the country, armed clashes between government and certain alignments of opposition continue in some regions. In fact, peace process is incomplete, but the naked violence actions are minimized. Since the 15 years when General Agreement was signed there were not grave violations endangering the peace. The implementation of General Agreement permits to accomplish the main goals: to bring the conflict to an end and to maintain the territorial integrity of Tajikistan.

Introduction / Bevan Sewell and Maria Ryan -- Part I. Themes -- How the periphery became the center: the Cold War, the third world, and the transformation in US strategic thinking / Robert J. McMahon -- Peripheral vision: US modernization efforts and the periphery / David Ekbladh -- Narratives of core and periphery: the Cold War and after / Andrew J. Rotter -- US government responses to anti-Americanism at the periphery / Alan McPherson -- Peripheral places/global war / Simon Dalby -- Part II. Case studies -- Whistling in the dark: US efforts to navigate UN policy toward decolonization, 1945-1963 / Mary Ann Heiss -- One world? rethinking america's margins, 1935-1945 / Ryan Irwin -- Accidental diplomats: the influence of American evangelical missionaries on US relations with the Congo during the early Cold War period, 1959-1963 / Philip Dow -- Structuring the economy on the periphery: the United States, the 1958 Argentine stabilization agreement, and the evolution of global capitalism / Dustin Walcher -- Dialogue or détente: Henry Kissinger, Latin America, and the prospects for a new inter-American understanding, 1973-1977 / Tanya Harmer -- Uncertainty rising: oil money and international terrorism in the 1970s / Christopher R. W. Dietrich -- The peripheral center: Nicaragua in US policy and the US imagination at the end of the Cold War / David Ryan -- Enlargement and its discontents: core and periphery in Clinton-era foreign policy / Hal Brands -- The war on terror and the new periphery / Maria Ryan