Suchergebnisse

Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: his personal secretary Soledad González, Customs agents, private citizens, Governors, Mayors, Military Commanders, Consuls, the president of the Socialist Party of the Southeast in Mérida, Yucatán, the Commercial Company of Chemical Products, and the Commercial and Maritime Agency from Veracruz. Said telegrams concern the sale business of Chapultepec cotton, report on the departure of Oil extraction workers to the area of soldiers in Monterrey, Nuevo León, granting funds to Silvestre Guerrero, information about Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' health status, clarification about money that Almada didn't deposit in the Gen. Calles' account, birthday greetings, replies of acknowledgment for sums sent as a gift to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles, report about a concession of a lot in Monterrey, personal matters, information about the delivery of a car, request for funds to pay the expenses of the Committee, confirming the return of merchandise, confirming that Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles won't travel to Monterrey, information about the boarding school where Manuelito will be registered, a request to recognize the election triumph of the Socialist Party of the Southeast, confirmation of Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and his children's trip, report on the election conflict in Guanajuato, shipping of poultry to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles' hacienda, requesting the pay of salary, a loan request to recover a car, and a news about Senators' arrival in Culiacán, Sinaloa. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, su Secretaria Particular Soledad González, Agentes Aduanales, particulares, Gobernadores, Presidentes Municipales, Comandantes Militares, Cónsules, Presidente del Partido Socialista del Sureste en Mérida, Yuc.; Compañía Comercial de Productos Químicos y Agencia Comercial y Marítima de Veracruz, acerca de: negocio de venta de algodón Chapultepec, informe sobre salida de perforadores petroleros hacia la zona de los soldados en Monterrey, N.L.; situación de fondos a Silvestre Guerrero, reportes sobre el estado de salud del Gral. PEC, aclaración sobre dinero no depositado por Almada en cuenta del Gral. PEC, felicitación por onomástico, acuses de recibo de cantidades enviadas para regalo del Gral. PEC, informe sobre gestión de concesión de terreno en Monterrey, asuntos particulares, informe sobre entrega de coche, solicitud de envío de fondos para gastos del comité, notificación sobre devolución de mercancía, notificación de que el Gral. PEC no irá a Monterrey, notificación del colegio en que será internado Manuelito, solicitud de reconocimiento de triunfo del Partido Socialista del Sureste, notificaciones sobre viaje del Gral. PEC e hijos, informe sobre conflicto electoral en Guanajuato, traslado de aves para hacienda del Gral. PEC, solicitud de pago de haberes, solicitud de préstamo para recuperar automóvil y comunicación sobre arribo de senadores a Culiacán, Sin.

Original title of the folder "General Alvaro Obregón". An English translation and a copy of the speech given by Gen. Alvaro Obregón, Presidential Candidate, on Monday, August 8th, 1927 in the Melchor Ocampo Theater in Morelia, Michoacán. The speech is in regards to the legislative bill on the Labor Law. It was published in EL MONITOR REPUBLICANO, Mexico City, August 10th, 1927. (Transferred to Planero 1, box 1, folder 4, folder 2). Other articles were published in this newspaper titled: "Reanudación de los Cultos" (Reinstatement of the "Cultos"), "Proyecto de Seguro para Trabajadores" (Proposal on Workers' Social Security), "El Antiobregonismo. La cursilería andante" (Anti-Obregonism. Wandering pretentiousness), "Contestación a A.R. Gayosso" (Reply to A.R. Gayosso) (regarding the attacks against Gen. Arnulfo R. Gómez), "Manifestaciones en Saltillo, evitadas" (Protests in Saltillo avoided), "El 29 inicia su Convención el Laborista" (Laborists begin their convention on the 29th) (presidential succession), "Los Gomistas de Veracruz se preparan para la Rebelión" (The Gomistas of Veracruz prepare for Rebellion), "El General Obregón es esperado en la ciudad de San Pedro" (General Obregón is expected in the city of San Pedro), "Hoy a media noche habrán muerto Sacco y Vanzetti" (Tonight at midnight, Sacco and Vanzetti will be dead). / Título original de la carpeta: "General Alvaro Obregón". Una traducción al inglés y copia de la misma del discurso pronunciado por el Gral. Alvaro Obregón, candidato a la Presidencia de la República, el lunes 8 de agosto de 1927 en el Teatro Melchor Ocampo de la ciudad de Morelia, Mich., relativo al proyecto de Ley Obrera. El discurso fue publicado en EL MONITOR REPUBLICANO, México, D.F. Agosto 10, 1927. (Pasó al planero 1, cajón 1, carpeta 4, folder 2). En este periódico se publicaron otros artículos titulados "Reanudación de los Cultos", "Proyecto de Seguro para Trabajadores", "El Antiobregonismo. La cursilería andante", "Contestación a A.R. Gayosso" (relativo a los atentados contra el Gral. Arnulfo R. Gómez), "Manifestaciones en Saltillo, evitadas", "El 29 inicia su Convención el Laborista" (sucesión presidencial), "Los Gomistas de Veracruz se preparan para la Rebelión", "El General Obregón es esperado en la ciudad de San Pedro", "Hoy a media noche habrán muerto Sacco y Vanzetti".

Carrying out reforms entails a high level of risk for policy makers: reform failure can have far-reaching consequences on both the public policy concerned and the reputation of the political leaders who are pushing for the reform. Policy makers widely acknowledge the role of "political risk" in public decision making. However, its definition remains vague. A literature review in decision sciences, political science and political economy shows that the concept of political risk is a blind spot in academic theory. This research project aims to develop a better understanding of the reasons why some reform initiatives fail while others succeed. It defines political risk as a combination of risk factors which contribute to trigger disruptive events and, in turn, influence the enactment of reforms. Six risk factors are identified on the basis of more than forty reform case studies: intrinsic characteristics of the reform, public opinion, stakeholders, political context and socio-economic context. The concept of political risk is then operationalized and tested using a scorecard approach. The tests show a consistent relation between risk factors, disruptive events and reform enactment. This project contributes to a better understanding of the link between strategy and politics in decision making and the dynamics of strategic decision making in the public sector. It paves the way for a risk based approach to steering public policy reforms. ; La conduite de réformes présente un risque élevé pour les décideurs publics : les échecs sont lourds de conséquences pour les politiques publiques visées comme pour les responsables politiques qui les portent. Si le risque politique des réformes est reconnu comme un élément clé dans la prise de décision, sa définition reste floue pour les praticiens. Une revue de littérature en sciences de la décision, science politique et économie politique montre que ce concept est également dans un angle mort théorique. Sur le terrain des réformes, cette recherche vise à définir le risque politique comme la combinaison de facteurs de risque déclenchant des événements perturbateurs conduisant à un degré d'adoption plus ou moins élevé de la réforme projetée. Plus de quarante études de cas ont permis de dégager six facteurs de risque : les caractéristiques intrinsèques de la réforme, l'opinion publique, les parties prenantes, l'environnement politique, le processus de décision et le contexte socio-économique. Le concept de risque politique est ensuite opérationnalisé et testé grâce à des grilles de scores. Il en ressort qu'il existe des relations robustes entre les scores atteints sur les facteurs de risque, les événements perturbateurs et le degré d'adoption des réformes. Cette recherche est une contribution à une meilleure compréhension des interactions entre stratégie et politique dans la prise de décision, améliore la compréhension des ressorts de la prise de décision stratégique dans le secteur public et ouvre la voie à une approche de la conduite des réformes par la gestion des risques.

Ein kürzlich erschienener Literaturüberblick von Cammett und Luong diskutiert den politischen Vorteil islamistischer Parteien in Nordafrika und Nahost, kann die angenommene Funktionsweise des politischen Vorteils aber nicht empirisch belegen. Durch den Rückgriff auf das Konzept der individuellen Nutzung von Heuristiken umgehen wir gängige Messprobleme und argumentieren, dass durch die von islamistischen Parteien bereitgestellten "cues" bestimmte Gruppen von BürgerInnen eine höhere Wahlwahrscheinlichkeit zugunsten eben dieser Parteien haben sollten. Der Test unseres Arguments mit Daten des Arab Barometer für das Beispiel Tunesien zeigt ein ambivalentes Bild. Während Befragte, die unverbrauchte politische Akteure bevorzugen, zu islamistischen Parteien tendieren, gilt dies für Befragte, denen die Integrität von KandidatInnen wichtig ist, entgegen unserer Erwartungen nicht. A recent literature review by Cammett and Luong discusses the political advantage of Islamist parties in North Africa and the Middle East. Yet, there is a lack of empirical evidence with regard to the mechanism through which the political advantage is assumed to work. Drawing on the concept of the individual use of heuristics, we are able to circumvent common measuring problems. We then argue that specific groups of citizens should have a higher likelihood to vote for Islamist parties as a result of the cues these parties provide. Testing our argument with data from the Arab Barometer for the Tunisian case, we find mixed results. In line with our expectations, respondents who prefer untested political actors are more likely to vote for Islamist parties, whereas – contrary to our hypothesis – respondents who value integrity are less likely to vote for these parties.

'Brazil today is considered, on the international scene, as an 'emerging nation', doted with an integrated industrial complex, as well as on a modern system of education and research and on means of communication (telephone, radio, television, internet, etc.) which permit the rapid and efficient circulation of information. None of these characteristics would have been valid prior to 1930, when the country presented an economy dominated by the exportation of tropical products, political power was fragmented into more than twenty federal units with no real coordination by the central government installed in Rio de Janeiro, intellectual life was restricted to a few old exportation ports. This paper aims at a better understanding of how Brazil transformed itself during the 20th century, from a structured archipelago around 'islands' of agro-industrial plantations (coffee, sugarcane, etc.) to a 'continent' marked by fast industrialization. Beside these evolutive perceptions of Brazil's space, we must take into account the social and intellectual courses of the key leaders during the 1930's uprising, such as Juarez Távora and José Américo de Almeida from the North, or Getúlio Vargas and Osvaldo Aranha from the South, the most significant figures of the national movement. All these leaders come from the same social background of agrarian elites, but they had established political parties supporting very different ideologies, from nationalism to the acknowledgement of the US hegemony, from the labour party to liberalism. The paths of these elites show fairly well the diverse alternatives which have marked state-building and nation-building in contemporary Brazil.' (author's abstract)|

International audience ; In April 2012, more than a year before Kenya's 2013 elections, the Nandi Kaburwo Council of Elders in Nandi Hills undertook the original task of writing the Nandi County Political Code of Conduct (NCPCC). Throughout Kenya, the pre-election period was characterized by a significant involvement of councils of elders in spreading messages of peace and promoting "good leadership," unlike 2007 when these councils played an active role in mobilizing Kenyans to take part in the post-electoral violence. Printed as an 8-page booklet, the NCPCC was targeting local candidates, their supporters and political parties. It displayed regulations aimed to contribute to the "transformation of Nandi County" into a prosperous place, an "island of new politics, free of political madness." Inspired from the role models of the Kenyan "Goodwill Ambassadors" for peace put in place in 2012, and based on oral narratives about iconic pre-colonial Nandi leaders—such as Kimnyolei and Koitalel Samoei—, this code of conduct brings to light cultural, social, economic and political dynamics mobilized by a wide range of actors (NGO, elders, candidates, entrepreneurs) during electoral times. Therefore, I believe it is crucial for the researcher to present and analyze it as a primary source that illustrates the aspirations and strategies of a local elite with their own conception of leadership. More broadly, through this original document, one can question the role played by councils of elders in Kenyan politics from a grassroots perspective, as well as the role they play in "re-inventing" their political history under the guise of preserving traditions. ; En avril 2012, plus d'un an avant les élections générales de 2013 au Kenya, le Nandi Kaburwo Council of Elders a entrepris la rédaction d'un code de conduite politique pour la région de Nandi Hills, le Nandi County Political Code of Conduct (NCPCC). Dans tout le pays, la période préélectorale a vu une implication sans précédent des conseils des anciens, appelés à diffuser ...

International audience ; In April 2012, more than a year before Kenya's 2013 elections, the Nandi Kaburwo Council of Elders in Nandi Hills undertook the original task of writing the Nandi County Political Code of Conduct (NCPCC). Throughout Kenya, the pre-election period was characterized by a significant involvement of councils of elders in spreading messages of peace and promoting "good leadership," unlike 2007 when these councils played an active role in mobilizing Kenyans to take part in the post-electoral violence. Printed as an 8-page booklet, the NCPCC was targeting local candidates, their supporters and political parties. It displayed regulations aimed to contribute to the "transformation of Nandi County" into a prosperous place, an "island of new politics, free of political madness." Inspired from the role models of the Kenyan "Goodwill Ambassadors" for peace put in place in 2012, and based on oral narratives about iconic pre-colonial Nandi leaders—such as Kimnyolei and Koitalel Samoei—, this code of conduct brings to light cultural, social, economic and political dynamics mobilized by a wide range of actors (NGO, elders, candidates, entrepreneurs) during electoral times. Therefore, I believe it is crucial for the researcher to present and analyze it as a primary source that illustrates the aspirations and strategies of a local elite with their own conception of leadership. More broadly, through this original document, one can question the role played by councils of elders in Kenyan politics from a grassroots perspective, as well as the role they play in "re-inventing" their political history under the guise of preserving traditions. ; En avril 2012, plus d'un an avant les élections générales de 2013 au Kenya, le Nandi Kaburwo Council of Elders a entrepris la rédaction d'un code de conduite politique pour la région de Nandi Hills, le Nandi County Political Code of Conduct (NCPCC). Dans tout le pays, la période préélectorale a vu une implication sans précédent des conseils des anciens, appelés à diffuser ...

En este trabajo nos proponemos reflexionar sobre los usos, posibilidades y limitaciones de la prensa como fuente para la reconstrucción de la historia de los partidos políticos en el nordeste de Argentina, especialmente en dos jurisdicciones Corrientes y Chaco en la primera mitad del siglo XX. Estos espacios comparten una cercanía geográfica pero cada uno de ellos tienen características particulares, desde los modos y tiempos de sus dinámicas políticas y sociales hasta la inserción en el esquema económico nacional. Desde un abordaje comparativo, si bien será una primera aproximación, pretendemos reflexionar sobre los usos de la prensa como fuente para las investigaciones de la historia política regional, considerando que ésta constituye, en gran parte, uno de los principales materiales disponibles para el historiador. ; In this work we reflect on uses, possibilities and limitations of the press as a source to reconstruct the history of political parties in the northeast of Argentina, especially in two jurisdictions: Corrientes and Chaco in the first half of the 20th century. These spaces share a geographical proximity but each of them have particular characteristics, from the modes and times of their political and social dynamics to their insertion in the national economic scheme. From a comparative first approach, we analyze the uses of the press as a source of research of the regional political history, wichi is, to a large extent, one of the main materials available to the historian. ; Fil: Solís Carnicer, María del Mar. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Nordeste. Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas. Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas; Argentina ; Fil: Maggio, Mayra Soledad. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Nordeste. Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas. Universidad Nacional del Nordeste. Instituto de Investigaciones Geohistóricas; Argentina

Chronicles the history of Gerwani (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia, or the Indonesian Women's Movement), the women's organization of the Communist Party of Indonesia, from its inception among a group of young female revolutionaries in 1954. Focus is on its role in the "putsch" or coup of 1 Oct 1965 that brought General Soeharto to power, attempting to ferret out the truth from the many lies contained in official government accounts of the events, which labeled Gerwani women "communist whores" who spread the "moral poison" of their party. The Soeharto regime's campaign of slander & sexual innuendo against the Gerwani is examined in terms of its underlying sexual politics & motivation, ie, to quell women's increasing political activism. Obstacles continuing to confront Indonesian women even after the removal of Soeharto & his New Order government in 1998 are described. 55 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Chronicles the history of Gerwani (Gerakan Wanita Indonesia, or the Indonesian Women's Movement), the women's organization of the Communist Party of Indonesia, from its inception among a group of young female revolutionaries in 1954. Focus is on its role in the "putsch" or coup of 1 Oct 1965 that brought General Soeharto to power, attempting to ferret out the truth from the many lies contained in official government accounts of the events, which labeled Gerwani women "communist whores" who spread the "moral poison" of their party. The Soeharto regime's campaign of slander & sexual innuendo against the Gerwani is examined in terms of its underlying sexual politics & motivation, ie, to quell women's increasing political activism. Obstacles continuing to confront Indonesian women even after the removal of Soeharto & his New Order government in 1998 are described. 55 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Chapters number 2 and 4 of this thesis are not available in Munin due to publishers' restrictions: 2. Else Grete Broderstad (2001) 'Political Autonomy and Integration of Authority: The Understanding of Saami Self-Determination' International Journal on Minority and Group Rights , 8, p. 151-175. 4. Else Grete Broderstad (2000) 'Indigenous rights and limitations on the nation-state' In: Erik Oddvar Eriksen and John Erik Fossum,eds. Democracy in the European Union. Integration through deliberation? London, Routledge, p. 230-255. ; Abstract for chapter 3: The subject of chapter three is the treatment of the so-called Finnmark Act in the Norwegian Parliament (Storting) from 2003 to 2005. A distinct aspect of the process was the invitation from the Norwegian Parliament for the Finnmark County Council and the Saami Parliament to participate in consultations relating to the law, a process for which no provision is made in the parliamentary rules and regulations of the Norwegian Parliament and which is not undertaken in other contexts. The members of the Norwegian Parliament considered the consultations a constitutional innovation. The participants met for consultations four times and apparently achieved significant results. The meetings led to considerable changes in the bill proposed by the government, and it was passed into law with a clear parliamentary majority and also with support from the Finnmark County Council and the Saami Parliament. The consultations and the legal process meant in effect a confirmation of the status of the Saami as an indigenous people. This paper first analyzes the reasons for the use of consultations as it is embodied in international conventions (especially ILO Convention no. 169) before focusing on the implementation in the Norwegian Parliament. What was the background and how were consultations carried out and what implications did this have? The analysis is theoretically based on the idea of deliberative democracy which presupposes that the parties involved arrive at decisions through an exchange of views in the same manner that consultations in theory are supposed to work. This orientation has been an important part of the debate over the last two decades about the possibilities for democracy in modern society and in the discussion of whether it is possible to fruitfully study the actual exchange of arguments. ; Abstract for chapter 4: Chapter IV–Indigenous rights and limitations on the nation-state–focuses on how the role and status of the Saami are affected by the process of European integration. The challenges posed to nation-states by indigenous peoples regarding conceptions of citizenship and belonging raise not merely empirical questions but also conceptual ones. They pertain to the conceptual lenses we apply. Accordingly, clarifications are required, and here the liberal and communitarian conceptions of citizenship are addressed. The study of the states' dealing with Saami claims and the Norwegian ILO-ratification versus the non-ratification of Finland and Sweden indicates that the state authorities have taken a different approach in strategies towards Saami rights claims. Accordingly, to a varying degree, the nation-states have consolidated the place of the indigenous in the citizenry.

"Much more than a marvelously entertaining and balanced account of the modernity of the 1828 election between John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson. In brilliantly contrasting the divergent paths the two political leaders took to that contest, he offers valuable insights into major issues in United States political history from the Revolution to the 1830s.... Parsons also points in timely fashion--highlighted by recent presidential outcomes and candidates--to the birth of the long tradition of anti-intellectualism in American politics."--Ron Formisano, Professor of History, University of Kentucky.