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Causes of interethnic conflicts, and strategies adopted by countries to manage them. Success of policies of inclusion and power-sharing in easing ethnic conflict.

We propose the politics hypothesis—i.e., the hypothesis that political forces comprise either a powerful predecessor of the social determinants of health or are essential social determinants of health themselves. We examine the hypothesis that political actors like presidents, their ideology, and institutions like the political parties they represent shape overall and race-specific health outcomes. Using census and Vital Statistics data among many other sources, we apply both theory- and data-driven statistical methods to assess the role of the president's party and the president's political ideology as predictors of overall and race-specific infant mortality in the United States, 1965–2010. We find that, net of trend, Republican presidencies and socially-conservative ideology of U.S. presidents are strongly associated with slower declines of infant mortality rates, overall and for white and black infants, compared to Democratic and socially-liberal presidents in the U.S. Approximately half (46%) of the white-black infant mortality gap, about 20,000 additional infant deaths, and most if not all the infant mortality rate gap between the U.S. and the rest of the developed world, can be attributed to the 28 years of Republican administrations during the study period. These findings are consistent with the politicization of public health and the conceptualization of politics as a powerful predecessor, in the causal chain, of the social determinants of health. Understanding the political ideological and institutional contexts in which health policies and healthcare and welfare programs are implemented, as well as how governments construct culture and social psychology, provide a more comprehensive framework for understanding and improving population patterns of disease, mortality, and entrenched racial disparities in health in the U.S.

Severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), a betacoronavirus that causes the novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19), is highly transmissible and pathogenic for humans and may cause life-threatening disease and mortality, especially in individuals with underlying comorbidities. First identified in an outbreak in Wuhan, China, COVID-19 is affecting more than 185 countries and territories around the world, with more than 15,754,651 confirmed cases and more than 640,029 deaths. Since December 2019, SARS-CoV-2 transmission has become a global threat, which includes confirmed cases in all 50 states within the United States (US). As of 25 July 2020, the Johns Hopkins Whiting School of Engineering Center for Systems Science and Engineering reports more than 4,112,651 cases and 145,546 deaths. To date, health disparities are associated with COVID-19 mortality among underserved populations. Here, the author explores potential underlying reasons for reported disproportionate, increased risks of mortality among African Americans and Hispanics/Latinos with COVID-19 compared with non-Hispanic Whites. The author examines the underlying clinical implications that may predispose minority populations and the adverse clinical outcomes that may contribute to increased risk of mortality. Government and community-based strategies to safeguard minority populations at risk for increased morbidity and mortality are essential. Underserved populations living in poverty with limited access to social services across the US are more likely to have underlying medical conditions and are among the most vulnerable. Societal and cultural barriers for ethnic minorities to achieve health equity are systemic issues that may be addressed only through shifts in governmental policies, producing long-overdue, substantive changes to end health care inequities.

This paper introduces the special issue on race, child welfare, and child well-being. In doing so, I summarize the evidence of racial/ethnic disparities in child well-being after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. Recent findings demonstrate that, compared to white children, black and Latino children are more likely to have experienced poverty and food insufficiency, to have had parents lose their jobs, and to be exposed to distance learning and school closures during the pandemic. I argue that though COVID-19 has indeed worsened racial/ethnic disparities in child well-being, it has also served to place a spotlight on the American welfare state's historical mistreatment of low-income families and black and Latino families in particular. Consider that around three-fourths of black and Latino children facing food insufficiency during the pandemic also experienced food insufficiency prior to the onset of the pandemic. Moving forward, analyses of racial/ethnic disparities in child well-being during the pandemic, I argue, must not only consider the economic shock and high unemployment rates of 2020, but the failure of the American welfare state to adequately support jobless parents, and black and Latino parents in particular, long before the COVID-19 pandemic arrived.

This review examines research on white racial and ethnic identity, paying special attention to developments in whiteness studies during the past decade. Although sociologists have long focused on white ethnic identity, considerations of white racial identity are more recent. White racial identity is commonly portrayed as a default racial category, an invisible yet privileged identity formed by centuries of oppression of nonwhite groups. Whiteness has become synonymous with privilege in much scholarly writing, although recent empirical work strives to consider white racial identity as a complex, situated identity rather than a monolithic one. The study of white racial identity can greatly benefit from moving away from simply naming whiteness as an overlooked, privileged identity and by paying closer attention to empirical studies of racial and ethnic identity by those studying social movements, ethnic identity, and social psychology.

<p class="Pa7"><strong>Objective: </strong>The purpose of this article is to examine sociodemographic and health be­havior factors associated with dietary intake as measured by the healthy eating index (HEI-2010) for persons with and without diabetes (T2D).</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Design: </strong>A secondary data analysis of three NHANES data cycles spanning 2007-2012. Multiple linear regression assessed racial/ ethnic differences in HEI-2010 scores in those without T2D, with T2D, and with undiagnosed T2D.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Participants: </strong>The sample included non-pregnant adults aged ≥20 years who had two days of reliable dietary recall data.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Outcome Measures: </strong>Total scores for the HEI-2010.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Results: </strong>For those without T2D, there was a significant association between race/ ethnicity and HEI score, with non-Hispanic Blacks achieving significantly lower scores than their non-Hispanic White counterparts. Differences in HEI-2010 score were also associated with age, sex, smoking status and time spent in the United States. Racial/ ethnic differences in dietary patterns were present, but not significant in those with undiagnosed or diagnosed T2D.</p><p class="Pa7"><strong>Conclusions: </strong>Racial/ethnic disparities in dietary patterns are present in individuals without T2D, but differences are not statisti­cally significant in those with undiagnosed or diagnosed T2D. Non-Hispanic Blacks without T2D received significantly lower HEI-2010 scores than non-Hispanic Whites. Further research is necessary to deter­mine whether or not similarities in dietary intake across racial/ethnic groups with T2D will be reflected in diabetes-related health outcomes in this population. <em></em></p><p class="Pa7"><em>Ethn Dis. </em>2016;26(4):529-536; doi:10.18865/ ed.26.4.529</p>