Suchergebnisse

In diesem Aufsatz werden schulpolitische Veränderungen aufgezeigt, die dazu beigetragen haben, dass Nonprofit-Organisationen (NPOs) heute Teil des schulischen Alltags sind. Dazu werden steuerungspolitische Instrumente wie Gesetze und Verordnungen sowie Programme und Projekte aus der Governance-Perspektive beschrieben. Basierend auf der Analysekategorie Verfügungsrechte der Educational Governance wird eine Literatur- und Dokumentenanalyse durchgeführt, auf deren Basis für Rheinland-Pfalz und Sachsen-Anhalt beispielhaft konkrete Veränderungen in der Schulsteuerung in Hinblick auf die Beteiligung von NPOs aufgezeigt werden.

Do local or grassroots level face-to-face self-governing communities have a place in theories of institutional cosmopolitanism? I pose this question in response to Luis Cabrera's (2020) use of B. R. Ambedkar's ideas to defend an instrumentally oriented democratic institutional cosmopolitanism that counters the arrogance objections raised against cosmopolitanism. Cabrera interprets Ambedkar as an exponent of political humility and having an instrumentalist approach to democracy. My response expands on a connection Cabrera briefly discusses – between humility and humiliation – and makes two observations. First, Ambedkar makes a distinction between institutions of democracy and democracy as a form of society. The latter is an end-in-itself synonymous with the practice of political humility. Second, Gandhi's vision of self-governing village republics, which Ambedkar rejects, with universal franchise and guaranteed representation for marginalized groups that Ambedkar advocated at the national level could have been spaces for practicing political humility locally.

Historical extra‐regional emigration patterns have shaped South America's focus on a human‐rights approach to migration. Concern for emigrants permeates debates at the annual South American Conference on Migration (SACM), yet national legislation emphasises immigration rather than emigration. Comparing national legislation to SACM documents between 2000 and 2021, we show that countries fail to reflect the same priorities as regional agreements in their laws. The interlevel discrepancies reveal that – despite prominent roles for regional cooperation, international organisations, and global migration governance – when it comes to migration legislation in South America over the last two decades, we find sovereign law‐making within national territories trumps regional agreements.

This article argues that ethics need not be toothless or side-lined in the technology governance debates. Rather, moral evaluation is necessary, even when legal compliance is already possible. Moral evaluation supplies answers not only to what is legal or illegal, but also to what is good and better for society. The article first defends a pragmatist ethics approach to uncovering the inevitability of values and norms embedded in digital technologies and related to their design and use. It then makes the case for policymakers engaging in the anticipatory ethics of technology. This approach provides a toolbox to tackle moral dilemmas and better understand what trustworthiness and ethics mean in certain contexts. The convergence of ethics and policy is not only worth pursuing but a necessity for good technology governance if we are to achieve a Europe fit for the digital age.

Co-creation is on the rise in Danish municipalities as a strategy for solving societal problems as well as problems related to governance in the public sector. In this article, a theoretical framework for co-creating governance is developed and used to analyze potentials and challenges in co-creating a pedagogical supervision system in Roskilde Municipality. The results show that co-creating governance strengthens ownership of supervision solutions, employees' motivation to work with supervision as well as a perception of supervision as more supportive of task quality and efficiency. However, the results also show that co-creating governance systems demands substantial resources and requires facilitation and support throughout the chain of command. In addition, concerns about accountability and risks of de-coupling relevant actors may arise in the complex co-creation processes.

There are a variety of governance mechanisms concerning the ownership and use of patents. These include government licenses, compulsory licenses, march-in rights for inventions created with federal funding, government use rights, enforcement restrictions, subject-matter restrictions, and a host of private governance regimes. Each has been discussed in various contexts by scholars and policymakers and some, in some degree, have been employed in different cases at different times. But scholars have yet to explore how each of these choices are subject to—or removed from—democratic control. Assessing the range of democratic implications of these patent governance choices is important in understanding the social and political implications of controversial or wide-ranging technologies because their use has a significant potential to affect the polity. This paper seeks to unpack these concerns for genome editing, such as CRISPR, specifically. Patents covering genome editing make an interesting case because, to date, it appears that the polity is concerned less with certain kinds of access, and more with distribution and limits on the technology's particular uses, such as human enhancement and certain agricultural and environmental applications. Here, we explore what it means for patents to be democratic or non-democratically governed and, in so doing, identify that patents covering many of the most controversial applications—that is, ones most likely to gain public attention—are effectively controlled by either non- or anti-democratic institutions, namely, private restrictions on licensing. This may be effective—for now—but lawmakers should be wary that such restrictions could rapidly reverse themselves. Meanwhile, other choices, like compulsory licenses, more broadly touch on democratic deliberation but, as currently structured, are aimed poorly for particular applications. Insofar as the public wants, or perhaps deserves, a say in the distribution and limits of these applications, illuminating the ways in which these governance choices intersect—or fail to intersect—with democratic institutions is critical. We offer some concluding thoughts about the nature of patents and their relationship with democratic governance as distributed claims to authority, and suggest areas for scholars and policymakers to pay close attention to as the genome editing patent landscape develops.

Relevance of the research topic. The current stage of socio-economic development of both countries with developed and transformational economies is characterized by uncertainty of the external environment, intensification of globalization processes, which raises the issue of substantiation of financial strategy, specification of its tasks and development of tools for their solution. Formulation of the problem. With increasing volatility of socio-economic dynamics, the COVID-19 pandemic raises the need to develop a public financial strategy that will improve the quality of fiscal risk assessment, develop tools to minimize them, increase coordination of public authorities, reduce unproductive government spending. Analysis of recent research and publications. Problems of formation and implementation of financial strategy in the system of public administration are revealed in many scientific researches of domestic and foreign scientists: J. Keynes, P. Samuelson, J. Stiglitz, S. Kucherenko, L. Levaeva, L. Lysyak, I. Lukyanenko, L. Marmul, V. Makogon, V. Fedosova, I. Chugunova and others. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. Increasing volatility of socio-economic dynamics impairs the chances of rapid economic recovery. In this regard, an important task is to develop a public financial strategy aimed at implementing measures to minimize fiscal risks. Problem statement, research goals. The objectives of the study are: to substantiate the role of financial strategy in the system of public administration in conditions of increasing volatility of socio-economic dynamics, the COVID-19 pandemic; to determine the features of the formation and implementation of financial strategy in the system of public administration; to analyze and estimate state budget expenditures. The purpose of the study is to reveal and substantiate approaches to the formation and implementation of financial strategy in the public administration system. Method or methodology of the study. To achieve the goal of the article, a set of general scientific and special methods was used: theoretical generalization and comparison; systemic; comparative analysis; scientific abstraction. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The role of financial strategy in the system of public administration in the conditions of increasing volatility of socio-economic dynamics, pandemic COVID-19 is revealed. Peculiarities of formation and implementation of financial strategy in the system of public administration are determined. The analysis and estimation of state budget expenditures is carried out. Approaches to the formation and implementation of financial strategy in the public administration system are substantiated. Field of application of results. The results of the study can be used in the process of reforming the financial system and its components. Conclusions in accordance with the article. The formation and implementation of a sound public financial strategy is a prerequisite for ensuring the stability of macroeconomic dynamics through the synergy of tools of the components of the public administration system, the development of tools to minimize fiscal risks.

KurzfassungFragmentierte Wertschöpfungsketten haben in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten die globale Wohlstandsverteilung bestimmt, zugleich aber Unternehmen und Volkswirtschaften aufgrund ihrer Vernetztheit gerade im Kern ihrer industriellen Basis einer hohen strategischen Vulnerabilität ausgesetzt. Ein Beispiel sind Seltene Erden, die für eine Vielzahl an Hightech- und Greentech-Produkten (Elektromobilität, Windräder), aber auch für traditionelle Industrien wie Automobil- und Elektroindustrie (Halbleiter) und für den Verteidigungssektor (Präzisionslenkwaffen) funktionskritisch sind. Vulnerabilität ist hier deshalb hoch, da kaum Substitutionsmöglichkeiten bestehen und Recycling noch am Anfang steht. Rohstoffe und Technologien sind somit ins Zentrum strategischer Industrie- und Handelspolitik gerückt und das Gestalten und nach Möglichkeit das Dominieren globaler Wertschöpfungsketten gewinnen an Bedeutung. Der Zugang zu Wertschöpfungsketten wird zum Kristallisationspunkt wirtschafts- und sicherheitspolitischer Strategien. Der Beitrag analysiert die strategische Vulnerabilität unterschiedlicher Markt-Wettbewerbskonstellationen und prüft Abwehr- und Gestaltungsmaßnahmen für eineGovernancevon Vulnerabilität. Anhand von Hochleistungsmagneten und dem zugrundeliegenden Materialstrom der Seltenen Erden werden konkrete Rohstoffstrategien exemplarisch aufgezeigt und die zunehmend geforderte Rohstoff- und Technologiesouveränität kritisch diskutiert, was angesichts der wirtschafts- und sicherheitspolitischen Dimension Seltener Erden und regulativem Druck zur Umsetzung von Lieferketten-Compliance und Circular Economy dringlich erscheint.

This review explores the two sides of university governance. From a meso perspective, it deals with universities as organized structures where priorities have to be set, decisions made, budgets allocated, teaching programs developed, and research achieved. This perspective relates to the sociology of organizations, and this review first explores the four founding models that aimed to qualify university governance and how they have helped understanding the evolution of universities in recent years. But at a macro level, university governance deals with universities as a sector and focuses on how they interact with one another, their relationships to the state, and how they are affected by national as well as transnational and global transformations. University governance is studied as a state-steered national system, as a field, or as a competitive arena.

AbstractThis article proposes that the internal political organization of an interest group can shape its policy agenda. In doing so, it recommends that public policy research draw on scholarship on comparative political institutions to identify and theorize how alternative organizational rules, structures, and mechanisms can shape preference formation and expression. For example, confederal interest groups can amplify minority voices, whereas majoritarian groups can silence them. Contrasting cases of physician advocacy in mental health policy illustrate how the confederal approach to medical organization in France expanded the influence of a small group of public sector psychiatrists; while the majoritarian, "winner‐take‐all" approach to medical organization in the United States sidelined their American counterparts in favor of the private sector majority. These findings suggest that the politics of interest‐aggregation merit further investigation.