Suchergebnisse

On September 16, 1959, the International Monetary Fund announced that 40 members, including most recently Bolivia, Ethiopia, Honduras, Libya, Malaya, and Peru, had consented to increases in their Fund's quotas by amounts ranging from 50 to 100 percent. This was in response to a recommendation by the Directors of the Fund arising out of the thirteenth annual meeting of the Governors of the Fund, held in New Delhi in October 1958. The Fund extended to July 31, 1960, the period within which the rest of its 68-nation membership might accept increases in its quotas. Some of these countries had already communicated consents to the Fund which would become effective upon the completion of certain formalities. The Fund's assets, which, as of January 31, 1959, amounted to the equivalent of $9.2 billion, would be enlarged by the recommended increases by the equivalent of $5.8 billion.

The Governing Body of the International Labor Organization (ILO) held its 130th session in Geneva from November 15 through 19, 1955, under the chairmanship of Mr. A. H. Brown (Canada). After deciding that the 40th session of the ILO Conference should open in Geneva on June 5, 1957, and noting that, in addition to the regular agenda items, the questions of forced labor, weekly rest in commerce and offices, and living and working conditions of indigenous populations in independent countries were likely to be carried over from the 39th session, the Governing Body considered several documents submitted to it by the Director-General (Morse) relating to possible further agenda items for the 40th session. The Governing Body, after some discussion, decided to add to the agenda two new items: 1) discrimination in the field of employment and occupation, and 2) conditions of employment of plantation workers.

The 125th session of the Governing Body of the International Labor Organization was held in Geneva on May 28 and 29, 1954, with Mr. A. M. Malik (Pakistan) presiding. Preliminary consideration was given to the agenda for the 39th session of the ILO Conference (1956), which, it was decided, would be comprised of the Director-Generals report, financial and budgetary questions, and information on the application of Conventions and Recommendations, The Director-General was requested to submit to the November session of the Governing Body reports dealing with the national law and practices of member states in the fields of (1) weekly rest in commerce and offices, (2) living and working conditions of indigenous populations in independent countries, and (3) forced labor. He was also requested to provide a general note on the conditions of plantation workers and on discrimination in the field of employment and occupation.

This Article explores China's management of its international rivers. China has various domestic pieces of legislation, including the Water Law of 2002, to regulate the uses and protection of its international rivers. It is clear that international water law influenced China inasmuch as there are similarities between the 1997 Watercourses Convention and the Water Law of 2002, and even China has recognized the influence of international law in the formation of its Water Law of 2002. This runs contrary to the widespread belief among Western commentators that China generally does not engage in these types of matters with international water law in mind. As evidence, these commentators point to China's objection to signing the 1997 Watercourses Convention and its refusal to join any river-basin commissions for any of its international rivers. This Article, however, shows how China has been strongly influenced by the international water-law regime and has engaged with other states in the management of its international rivers, albeit with a limited number of states. This Article posits that China can further benefit from en-gaging in international fora when trying to manage its domestic water issues.

"Internationale Vergleiche zum Thema Armut spielen eine immer größere Rolle. Sie dienen sowohl dem wissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisgewinn als auch dem Soll-Ist-Vergleich im politischen Raum. Dies gilt in weltweitem Maßstab, aber insbesondere für Vergleiche innerhalb der Europäischen Union. So wurde im Rahmen des Lissabon-Prozesses der Europäischen Union die Bekämpfung von Armut zu einem zentralen Ziel erkoren und für den Bereich Soziale Eingliederung eine regelmäßige empirische Armutsberichterstattung implementiert. Dieser Beitrag beginnt mit grundsätzlichen methodischen Überlegungen zur international vergleichenden Armutsforschung (Abschnitt 1). Einige der in dem Beitrag von Richard Hauser in diesem Band zum Thema Armutsmessung diskutierten Probleme stellen sich dabei in besonderem Maße. Im Abschnitt 2 wird dann dargestellt, welche Arten von Fragestellungen es gibt, also was eigentlich miteinander verglichen werden soll. Je nachdem, wie diese Frage beantwortet wird, gibt es unterschiedliche methodische Probleme. In Abschnitt 3 folgt dann eine ausführlichere Beschreibung der Armutsberichterstattung in der Europäischen Union als ein wichtiges Anwendungsbeispiel von international vergleichender Armutsforschung. Wir beschränken uns dabei auf Untersuchungen, die sich auf entwickelte Länder beziehen und auf quantitative Armutsforschung, die repräsentative Ergebnisse für die Bevölkerung verschiedener Länder anstrebt. Qualitative Armutsforschung, die typischerweise mit kleinen, nicht-repäsentativen Stichproben arbeitet, aber die ausgewählten Fälle viel intensiver untersucht als es mit repräsentativen Bevölkerungsstichproben möglich ist, wird nicht behandelt. Auch institutionelle Vergleiche werden nur insoweit angesprochen, als es für die Erklärung von Armutsphänomenen erforderlich ist." (Autorenreferat)