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Contents; Acknowledgments; CHAPTER 1. An Introduction to Moral Leadership; CHAPTER 2. Leadership and Trust; CHAPTER 3. Leadership and Governance: The Obligations of Stewardship; CHAPTER 4. Leadership and Culture; CHAPTER 5. New Paradigms for the 21st Century: Why Traditional Leadership Models Fail; CHAPTER 6. Leadership, Goal Setting, and Performance Measurement; CHAPTER 7. Strategic Leadership and Competitive Advantage; CHAPTER 8. Leadership and Sustainability; CHAPTER 9. Leadership in an International Context; CHAPTER 10 Transformative Leadership-Discovering your Personal Greatness; Notes

In the nineteenth century, European states conquered vast stretches of territory across the periphery of the international system. This book challenges the conventional wisdom that these conquests were the product of European military dominance or technological superiority. In contrast, it claims that favorable social conditions helped fuel peripheral conquest. European states enjoyed greatest success when they were able to recruit local collaborators and exploit divisions among elites in targeted societies

'Christian Downie's historical look at the negotiating behavior of the United States and the European Union during international efforts to implement a meaningful climate change treaty, go a long way toward explaining why current negotiations are bogged down. His findings about the impact of domestic politics on international negotiations should not be overlooked. The only way we will able to move to a new set of enforceable and meaningful greenhouse gas reduction commitments is to understand why past approaches have not worked.' (Lawrence Susskind, Harvard Law School, US). -- 'This is an enormously well-researched study that addresses an important hitherto-unanswered problem of negotiations. Usually single instances are analyzed but what about serial negotiations that return again and again to the subject, where the parties change position in their course? Downie tells us how this happens and in the process, enriches our understanding of negotiation. I enjoyed reading this book.' (I. William Zartman, The Johns Hopkins University, US). -- The Politics of Climate Change Negotiations describes the successes and failures of protracted international negotiations and most importantly, examines the lessons they hold for the future. Drawing on more than 100 interviews with climate change insiders, including former ministers, chief negotiators and presidential advisers, Christian Downie presents a rare inside account of why states agree to what they do and why they change their position in long negotiations. He also identifies eight strategies that others can use to influence the most powerful states in the world. This book will be invaluable to academics and students working in the fields of international relations, political science, negotiation studies and global environmental politics. It will be of equal value to diplomats, policymakers and various non-governmental organizations that seek to influence international negotiations.

pt. I. From the inside out : the domestic politics of international relation -- pt. II. From the outside in : the international sources of domestic change -- pt. III. In between spaces : transnational relations and the diffusion of ideas and institutions.

Climate governance across the globe : pioneers, leaders and followers / Rüdiger K.W. Wurzel, Mikael Skou Andersen and Paul Tobin -- China : emerging low-carbon pioneers at city level / Xinlei Li -- India : from climate laggard to global solar energy leader / Kirsten Jörgensen -- Costa Rica and Vietnam : pioneers in green transformations / Frauke Urban, Giuseppina Siciliano, Alonso Villalobos, Dang Nguyen Anh and Markus Lederer -- Rhetoric and reality in New Zealand's climate leadership : 'My generation's nuclear-free moment' / David Hall -- Multilevel climate governance in Brazil and Indonesia : domestic pioneership and leadership in the Global South / Markus Lederer, Chris Höhne, Fee Stehle, Thomas Hickmann and Harald Fuhr -- Climate change politics and policy in the United States : forward, reverse and through the looking glass / Henrik Selin and Stacy D. VanDeveer -- European Union leadership before, during and after the Paris Climate Conference / Paul Tobin and Nicole Schmidt -- Climate policy in Germany : pioneering a complex transformation process / Sibyl Steuwer and Julia Hertin -- Lessons from climate action in the UK : the limitations of state leadership / Jeremy Moulton -- Governance, green finance and global climate advocacy of the Nordic countries : small state syndrome or novel middle power? / Mikael Skou Andersen -- Ireland's Citizens' Assembly on climate change : institutional pioneership by a climate laggard? / Diarmuid Torney, Pat Brereton, and Laura Devaney -- Switzerland : international commitments and domestic drawbacks / Marlene Kammerer, Karin Ingold, Johann Dupuis -- Conclusion : pioneers, leaders, and followers in multilevel and polycentric climate governance re-assessed / Paul Tobin, Rüdiger K.W. Wurzel, Mikael Skou Andersen.

Command responsibility, or executive accountability, assumes that leaders are responsible for the actions of their subordinates. If subordinates misbehave, violate basic moral laws, transgress international law, or thwart international standards of behavior, their leader may be called before to justice. Standards that set the boundaries of human action have been evolving for many millennia, with some degree of precision arriving after the post-World War II international war crimes prosecutions. The United Nations and other organizations have helped codify the international law under which commanders may be held responsible. This book explores the factor that have moved civilization closer to a standard approach to rule of law and the accountability of leaders for the actions of those they command

Until recently, the terms teacher and leadership were not often mentioned in the same sentence.Educational leadership was synonymous with school administration, and teachers viewed themselvesas followers rather than leaders. Over the past fifteen years, this perception has changed. Due tofederal mandates such as No Child Left Behind (NCLB) and Response to Intervention (RtI), teacherroles and responsibilities have expanded (Le Cornu, 1999) and distributed school leadership hasbecome the norm (Danielson, 2006; Harrison & Killion, 2007).

Since the historic peace accordsin Colombia in 2016, well over 800 human rights defenders have been killed; in this year alone, more than 100 social leaders have been assassinated. The COVID pandemic seems to be further closing spaces of participation for social movements opened up in the late 2000s. These policy contradictions by the governments of Colombia and the US camouflage an interest in territorial governance for mining and monoculture production for export. Under COVID quarantine restrictions, people on small farms fend for food not grown in local markets, and a big challenge is road blockages, many organized by armed groups. They control the ins and outs, who can pass on to the market and who cannot. Hunger is one consequence of this, as is the rise in domestic and sexual violence. Many of the social organizations strive to negotiate a different economic model than the deeply neoliberal model that currently stands, as a strong challenge to the status quo that explains a big part of the violence. Desde los históricos acuerdos de paz de 2016 en Colombia, más de 800 defensores de los derechos humanos han sido asesinados, igual que más de un centenar de líderes sociales en el año en curso. La pandemia del COVID parece contribuir su parte a la limitación de los espacios que se habían abierto a los movimientos sociales a finales de la década de 2000. Las contradicciones en las políticas de los gobiernos de Colombia y los Estados Unidos en verdad camuflan el interés por la gobernación territorial para la producción minera y el monocultivo agrícola destinado a la exportación. Las restricciones que impuso la cuarentena obligaron a la gente de las fincas a buscar productos agrícolas no cultivados para el mercado local y a enfrentarse a bloqueos de caminos, muchas veces organizados por grupos armados que controlan la entrada y salida, quién puede proceder al mercado y quién no. El hambre y el incremento de la violencia doméstica y sexual son una consecuencia de esta situación. Muchas organizaciones sociales buscan actualmente negociar un modelo económico distinto al modelo profundamente neoliberal vigente que ha llevado a un fuerte cuestionamiento del estatus quo que explica gran parte de la violencia en su contra.