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The idea that we are mutually dependent on the recognition of our peers is at least as old as modernity. Across Europe, this idea has been understood in different ways from the very beginning, according to each country's different cultural and political conditions. This stimulating study explores the complex history and multiple associations of the idea of 'Recognition' in Britain, France and Germany. Demonstrating the role of 'recognition' in the production of important political ideas, Axel Honneth explores how our dependence on the recognition of others is sometimes viewed as the source of all modern, egalitarian morality, sometimes as a means for fostering socially beneficial behavior, and sometimes as a threat to 'true' individuality. By exploring this fundamental concept in our modern political and social self-understanding, Honneth thus offers an alternative view of the philosophical discourse of modernity.

Introduction / Christopher Cowton, James Dempsey and Tom Sorell -- Is financialisation a vice? : perspectives from virtue ethics and Catholic social teaching / Alejo José G. Sison and Ignacio Ferrero -- On the morality of banking, the exploitation tradition and the new challenges of the global financial crisis / Adrian Walsh -- How competition harmed banking: the need for a pelican gambit / Thomas Donaldson -- Contemporary laws and regulation : an argument for less law, more justice / Ronald Duska and Tara Radin -- Freedom in finance: the importance of epistemic virtues and interlucent communication / Boudewijn de Bruin and Richard Endörfer -- Aristotelian lessons after the global financial crisis : banking, responsibility, culture and professional bodies / Christopher Megone -- Professional responsibility and the banks / Christopher Cowton -- Liability for corporate wrongdoing / James Dempsey -- The bankers and the "nameless virtue" / Tom Sorell -- Moralising economic desert / Alexander Andersson and Joakim Sandberg -- Index

Economic inequality in developed western countries, including New Zealand, is a pressing social issue. Besides concerns of fairness, current high levels of inequality are associated with a range of socially damaging consequences. Drawing on new and existing data, this article presents a summary and an analysis of New Zealanders' beliefs about economic inequality and political redistribution. It explicates and explores some apparent puzzles and paradoxes within the data, including the divergence found between respondents' (declining, but still substantial) level of concern about economic inequality and their (much more limited) support for specific measures that would reduce that inequality. The article discusses some key factors that appear to influence opinion on inequality and redistribution, and it concludes with suggestions for future research to further explore some of the puzzles within the existing data.

[Resumo] Este artigo ofrece unha lectura ética da responsabilidade aplicada ás organizacións da esfera económica das nosas sociedades. Tendo como marco de referencia a actual situación de crise e as medidas que se están a formular de xeito xeral para facerlle fronte, neste traballo cuestiónase criticamente o protagonismo outorgado á responsabilidade neste escenario e subliña as debilidades da súa vertente hexemónica. A partir de aquí, recóllese unha chamada ao rescate doutros rostros da responsabilidade que teñen maior entidade ética e esixen unha maior densidade política, e proponse recuperar o valor edificante da responsabilidade, que chama e que nos obriga a todas as persoas a coidar a sociedade que compoñemos. A eficacia ou a adecuación das distintas políticas, estratexias e ferramentas para a promoción da responsabilidade social deben responder aos retos que este valor edificante da responsabilidade implica. ; [Resumen] Este artículo ofrece una lectura ética de la responsabilidad, aplicada a las organiza- ciones de la esfera económica de nuestras sociedades. Teniendo como marco de referencia la actual situación de crisis y las medidas que se están planteando de manera general para hacer- la frente, en este trabajo se cuestiona críticamente el protagonismo otorgado a la responsabi- lidad en ese escenario y subraya las debilidades de su vertiente hegemónica. A partir de aquí, el texto recoge una llamada a rescatar otros rostros de la responsabilidad que tienen mayor entidad ética y exigen mayor densidad política, y propone recuperar el valor edificante de la responsabilidad, que llama y nos obliga a todos a cuidar la sociedad que todos componemos. La eficacia o adecuación de las distintas políticas, estrategias y herramientas para la promoción de la responsabilidad social deben responder a los retos que este valor edificante de la respon- sabilidad propone. ; [Abstract] This article offers an ethical reading of responsibility applied to organisations in the econom- ic sphere of our societies. Having the current crisis situation and the measures which are gen- erally being put forward to confront it as its frame of reference, this work critically questions the protagonism given to responsibility in that scenario and underlines the weaknesses of its hegemony. From here, the text includes a call to rescue other aspects of responsibility which are more ethical and demand greater political density, and proposes recovering the edifying value of responsibility, which calls and obliges everybody to take care of the society we are part of. The effectiveness or suitability of the different policies, strategies and tools for promot- ing social responsibility must respond to the challenges that the edifying value of responsibil- ity proposes.

En este artículo analizamos los resultados de una encuesta sobre sexualidades y tecnologías digitales, realizada durante los primeros meses del aislamiento social, preventivo y obligatorio (ASPO). En ese contexto se evidenciaron múltiples discursos que propiciaban el uso de tecnologías digitales para vehiculizar las prácticas sexuales como modo de evitar la propagación del COVID-19. Asimismo, se evidenció que dichas tecnologías no representan una novedad, aunque sí habrían reflotado clásicos "peligros" asociados a la sexualidad, entrelazados con los preceptos contemporáneos de responsabilidad sexual y afectiva. Estos y otros aspectos permiten la detección de cambios y continuidades con el régimen sexual moderno. ; In this article we analyze the results of a survey on sexualities and digital technologies, carried out during the first months of social, preventive and compulsory isolation. In this context, multiple discourses were evidenced that favored the use of digital technologies to convey sexual practices as a way to prevent the spread of COVID-19. Likewise, it was evidenced that these technologies do not represent a novelty, although they would have raised classic "dangers" associated with sexuality, intertwined with contemporary precepts of sexual and affective responsibility. These and other aspects allow the detection of changes and continuities with the modern sexual regime. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

In this article the author discusses why nationalist parties in Spain gain popular support. She examines why people vote for a nationalist, rather than a national, party. With a multivaried approach, she tests hypotheses derived from four different theoretical approaches that offer complementary explanations. Her results show that, according to social identity theory, people with higher levels of regional identification are more likely to vote for a nationalist party. Higher educational levels are also a factor in a voter's supporting a nationalist party, according to the modernization approach. The fact that a person's position in the Left-Right political spectrum was a statistically significant variable seems to prove that regional sympathies or ethnic identity are not the only factors that influence a nationalist vote. There are other (economic, political) aspects that also play an important role. Nationalist parties in Spain are ideological, not only protest parties. Contrary to what has been established in traditional literature regarding social divisions, in this model, sociodemographic variables do not explain an individual's preference for nationalist parties. Finally, the author's findings show that people that are more interested in politics are more likely to vote for a nationalist party than for a national one; this might reflect their commitment to local issues in their region. 4 Tables, 2 Appendixes, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

Choctaws at the Crossroads examines the political economy of the Choctaws at the end of the twentieth century. Forcibly relocated in the 1830s from the lower Mississippi Valley to the southeastern corner of Indian Territory, the Choctaws today are a dynamic and complex rural ethnic community in Oklahoma. Many work as nonunionized laborers for large corporations, yet they seek to maintain some aspects of their traditional way of life. Combining fieldwork and archival research, Sandra Faiman-Silva uncovers the processes by which the local economic and social practices of the Choctaws have become intertwined with and, in some respects, dependent on corporate and global economic forces. Low wages and often temporary work force the Choctaws to supplement their income through tribal economic assistance and through traditional practices of horticulture, fishing, craft production, canning, and residence sharing. Faiman-Silva finds a troubling paradox in this strategy. Such traditional economic activities are central to Choctaw identity and way of life and are outside the non-Indian controlled, capitalist system; at the same time, these practices help sustain the power and profits of corporations. This sensitive and theoretically informed study makes an important contribution to understanding the historic, economic, and social conditions of contemporary Native Americas. ; https://vc.bridgew.edu/fac_books/1055/thumbnail.jpg

El presente trabajo analiza dos aspectos relacionados con la obra escrita de Claude Lévi Strauss; por una parte, el análisis estructural de los mitos que ha ejercido una influencia significativa en las Ciencias Sociales y Humanas; y por otra, el autor señala que son escasos los estudios que se hayan propuesto examinar sus puntos de intersección con los enfoques posfundacionales y post-estructuralistas. El texto, por el tema que expone, realiza un recorrido por los análisis recientes de los mitos que aplican estas categorías desde una perspectiva posfundacional, colocando el eje central en los estudios latinoamericanos. ; This paper discusses two aspects of the work of Claude Levi Strauss, on one hand, structural analysis of the myths that has had a significant influence on Social and Human Sciences studies; and secondly, the author notes that few studies have been proposed to consider their points of intersection with posfundacionales and post-structuralist approaches. The text for the item that exposes takes a look at recent analysis of myths that apply these categories from a postfoundational perspective, placing the focus on Latin American studies. ; Fil: Fair, Hernán. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Данная статья посвящена анализу двух моделей политической идентификации, которые были предложены Ч. Тейлором, представителем коммунитаристского направления политфилософии, и Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф, теоретиками постмарксизма. Сначала автор формулирует методологические предпосылки исследования: критический подход к самому собой разумеющемуся знанию; принятие во внимание исторической и культурной обусловленности любого знания; учет связи между знанием, социальными процессами и социальным поведением. Далее анализирует модель политической идентификации Ч. Тейлора, в результате чего отмечает как положительный, так и отрицательный аспекты модели канадского философа. К положительному аспекту автор относит первоначальную проблематизацию аффективного момента гражданской приверженности демократическим институтам. Отсюда проистекает идея культивирования патриотизма, предлагаемая Ч. Тейлором для решения проблемы эрозии демократии. Отрицательным аспектом модели является внутреннее противоречие между сильной идеей гражданского участия и индивидуальной свободой. Затем в статье рассматривается модель политической идентификации Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф. Разработка этой модели связана с осознанием слабости существующей демократической политики, из которой исключен ряд дискриминируемых и эксплуатируемых социальных групп. Согласно модели радикально-демократической идентификации проблему эрозии демократии позволят разрешить процесс постоянного оспаривания существующих отношений субординации и включение все новых социальных групп в демократическое движение. Две модели политической идентификации оцениваются с точки зрения потенциала в разрешении проблемы эрозии демократии. Наиболее оптимальной признается модель радикально-демократической идентификации, предложенная Э. Лакло и Ш. Муфф. ; This article analyses two models of political identification: the model proposed by communitarianist political philosopher C. Taylor, and that suggested by post-Marxist theorists E. Laclau and C. Mouffe. First, the paper outlines the methodological basis for this research: criticism of the taken-for-granted knowledge; historical and cultural determination of any kind of knowledge; interconnection between knowledge, social processes and social action. Further, the author analyses C. Taylor's model of political identification and singles out both its positive and negative aspects. The positive aspect is the initial problematization of the affective side of civic commitment to democratic institutions. This originates the idea of patriotism cultivation proposed by C. Taylor to resolve the problem of democracy erosion. The negative aspect of this model is the internal contradiction between the strong idea of civic participation and individual freedom. Next, the author analyses E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's model of political identification. The development of this model stems from understanding the weakness of the current democratic politics, which excludes a number of discriminated against and exploited social groups. According to the model of radical democratic identification, the problem of democracy erosion can be eliminated by regularly challenging current hierarchies and including new social groups into the democratic movement. In addition, the two models of political identification were assessed in terms of their potential for solving the problem of democracy erosion. The author finds the model of radical democratic identification proposed by E. Laclau and C. Mouffe to be optimal.

Is steering still a viable concept? The article answers this question with a conditional yes. On the one hand, its conceptual core remains intact. Getting others—who are considered to be idiosyncratic—to solve rather than pose societal problems is no less relevant for recent governance analyses. On the other, steering as a concept needs some updates in terms of subjects, objects, and ways of steering. Beyond merely extending the list of possible subjects and objects of steering, the concept of irritation design is proposed. It stresses that making communication hard to ignore can be a matter of design. Modern society seems to be crowded with steering entities, many of which displaying smart irritation designs. This leads to complex constellations. Yet it remains valuable to analyze strategies of influence because despite all dynamics and happenstance, different chances of impact correlate with different irritation design. Still, we have to account for two aspects: 1) Capacities (beyond money or power) needed for designing irritations are unequally distributed; 2) material effects and empirical boundaries have their share in a decreased ignorability.

La investigación relaciona aspectos teóricos de la renta del suelo y acoge los contenidos del Teorema de GHV, de Vickrey que, junto con principios de la teoría del bienestar, permiten el desarrollo de una propuesta teórica de transformación de asentamientos precarios en las ciudades con economías de escala y aglomeración. No obstante ser una propuesta teórica, es factible su consideración para una eventual aplicación práctica en el diseño e implementación de una política pública orientada a transformar áreas con asentamientos precarios en las ciudades, mediante la generación y uso de rentas del suelo específicas por un tiempo determinado. ; Abstract. The research links theoretical aspects of ground rent and welcomes the contents of Theorem GHV, Vickrey which, together with principles of welfare theory, allow the development of a theoretical proposal of transformation of slums in cities with economies scale and agglomeration. However being a theoretical proposal is feasible consideration for a possible practical application in the design and implementation of a strategy to transform slum areas in cities, through the generation and use of revenues from specific soil for a given time public policy. ; Doctorado

La investigación relaciona aspectos teóricos de la renta del suelo y acoge los contenidos del Teorema de GHV, de Vickrey que, junto con principios de la teoría del bienestar, permiten el desarrollo de una propuesta teórica de transformación de asentamientos precarios en las ciudades con economías de escala y aglomeración. No obstante ser una propuesta teórica, es factible su consideración para una eventual aplicación práctica en el diseño e implementación de una política pública orientada a transformar áreas con asentamientos precarios en las ciudades, mediante la generación y uso de rentas del suelo específicas por un tiempo determinado. ; Abstract: The research links theoretical aspects of ground rent and welcomes the contents of Theorem GHV, Vickrey which, together with principles of welfare theory, allow the development of a theoretical proposal of transformation of slums in cities with economies scale and agglomeration. However being a theoretical proposal is feasible consideration for a possible practical application in the design and implementation of a strategy to transform slum areas in cities, through the generation and use of revenues from specific soil for a given time public policy. ; Doctorado

This paper examines the international cooperation as a complementary instrument for promoting development it presents a reflection on the management process of cooperation projects that can be regarded as a intervention for development, which inherently requires the systematic incorporation of political, community-based, technical and management components. From Social Work, this approach proposes aspects for achieving the results and the objectives formulated in the project. It also leads to get a positive impact for the development of the beneficiaries ; Este artículo aborda el tema de la cooperación internacional como un instrumento complementario de promoción al desarrollo y presenta una reflexión sobre el proceso de gestión de los proyectos de cooperación, leídos como una intervención para el desarrollo en la que se requiere incorporar de manera sistemática un componente político, comunitario, técnico y administrativo. Se proponen aspectos que, desde la perspectiva del Trabajo Social, posibilitan, además del logro de los resultados y objetivos formulados en los proyectos, un impacto positivo sobre el desarrollo de los sujetos implicados

From fragile, corporate-controlled supply chains breaking down, to millions of already hyper-exploited farmworkers risking their lives in the fields without basic personal protective equipment, the COVID-19 pandemic made it painfully obvious that US agriculture does not work. Agrarian Crisis in the United States: Pathways for Reform situates the many food system problems that the COVID-19 pandemic laid bare in historical context across four key policy areas, namely, in land, labor, markets, and the environment. In applying and building from the work of Jrgen Habermas, Agrarian Crisis in the United States highlights how deep-seated problems concerning systemic racism, economic inequality, and political legitimacy endanger the US food and farm system's future. Besides analyzing crises, it presents solutions that would make agriculture in the United States more just and resilient through the implementation of certain communication and policy strategies. Its original argument, as well as a novel set of remedies, will appeal to scholars and activists with interests in agrarian studies, environmental policy, and social movements.

"This book engages with the changing ways in which we, as a society and culture, look upon and interact with animals, stressing how much animals differ among themselves. An invitation to appreciate the peculiar role of animals in telling important if uncomfortable truths about who we are and where we are heading - namely, towards a world so much poorer in cultural, moral, and biological diversity - as a result of the ongoing decimation of so many other species. Drawing on a variety of thought ranging from that of Midgley and Murdoch to Levinas, Derrida and Habermas, from ecophilosophers to conservation biologists, Animal Lives and Why They Matter asks how we have come to this, and what an alternative, less destructive approach to our now precarious co-existence with animals might look like. Spanning the disciplines of philosophy, psychology and anthropology, this enquiry into various cross-species relationships and encounters will appeal to scholars and students across the humanities and social sciences with interests in philosophy, ethics, human-animal interaction and environmental thought"--