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This article examines notions of identity in central Europe during the 'long' 19th century and the role of law in defining and in reinforcing the boundaries of the nation. During the 19th century, nationalist thinking in Hungary tended to focus on characteristics such as language, culture and political allegiance rather than on race, ancestry or religion. Consequently, membership of the nation was not necessarily fixed at birth. This inclusive model of the nation contrasts markedly with the rigid, racially informed theories of identity that were to prove so seductive in Hungary, as in much of continental Europe, in the inter-war era and during the Second World War. The article goes on to consider the extent to which the apparently inclusive conception of the Hungarian nation was embedded in social and economic practice as well as in the statute books. Notwithstanding the passage of comprehensive emancipation laws, the evidence suggests that Jews were not readily admitted to public sector employment of various kinds. Thus, the liberal Hungarian laws of this period served, at least in part, to mask rather than to transform illiberal social and economic practices. The article concludes by briefly examining contemporary notions of nationhood in central Europe and the extent to which these have transcended 19th-or early 20th-century ideas concerning national identity.

Subgroup formation within larger virtual teams can lead to biased information sharing and conflict. Given this, the present study examined how social categories (i.e., in-group vs. out-group status) and interpersonal behaviors (i.e., a teammate behaving positively vs. negatively) influenced intentions and attitudes toward subgrouping in short-term virtual teams. One hundred sixty-four participants interacted in four-person teams using a synchronous chat program. The analysis showed that, though both social categories and interpersonal behaviors affected subgrouping choices, interpersonal behaviors had a stronger effect. Additionally, there was no evidence for the "black sheep hypothesis" predicting that in-group members behaving negatively discourages subgrouping. Overall, this exemplified how minimal categorical cues trigger in-group favoritism and out-group discrimination in virtual teams as anticipated by social identity models. The findings also illustrated how interpersonal behaviors robustly affect virtual team dynamics as stated by social information processing theory.

Using a discourse analysis of interviews with corporate managers and their published corporate sustainability information, this paper argues that corporate social and environmental accountability (CSEA) in a postcolonial context (Sri Lanka) is a textual space wherein local managers create a hybrid cultural identity through mimicking. It examines how local managers embrace and appropriate global discourses to reimagine their local managerial circumstances. They deploy a set of textual strategies – imitation, redefinition, innovation, and codification – to translate CSEA into a hybrid 'textual(real)ity' (i.e., interspace and duality between accounting text - textuality - and material practices - reality) whereby the global context is textualized as local and the local is contextualised as global. Nationalism, cultural ethics, and poverty enter this textual(real)ity as discursive elements that reactivate locality. A cultural notion of philanthropic giving, dana, gives local cultural authenticity to this textual(real)ity while the national politico-economic identity of poverty textualizes CSEA as a national development strategy. The paper also critiques whether these postcolonial dynamics can promote agonistic accountabilities. It contributes to the accounting literature on postcolonialism, imperialism, and globalization discourses.

This project examines how Turkish postmigrants in Germany position themselves against the influences of the German state's integration and the Turkish government's diasporic policies. We argue that the double influx of host and home states lures Turkish postmigrants into an identity trap subjecting their in-between position to exploitation in transnational negotiations. As their own perspective is poorly addressed in literature, this study fills this gap by reference to postmigrants' standpoint. We hypothesize that the positioning of Turkish postmigrants in Germany is reflected through identity expressions and priority of belongings. We will carry out an exploratory assessment with three work packages. Study 1 will decode the Turkish postmigrant figure addressed by both states. Major media outlets most attended by postmigrants will be analyzed to display the imagined figure. Study 2 will inform the trajectory of the Turkish national identity narrative across important milestones over the migration chronology. A structured archival study will unearth the discursive mutations through political leaders' speeches. Finally, Study 3 will exclusively confer postmigrants' viewpoints against both influences. The project consults a conceptual framework in terms of diaspora generating, diaspora shaping, collective nostalgia, and social cohesion to expand on understanding how Turkish postmigrants express their identities and prioritize their belongings across their in-between existence.

Baseball has long been considered America's "national pastime," touted variously as a healthy diversion, a symbol of national unity, and a model of democratic inclusion. But, according to Michael Butterworth, such favorable rhetoric belies baseball's complicity in the rhetorical construction of a world defined by good and evil. Baseball and Rhetorics of Purity is an investigation into the culture and mythology of baseball, a study of its limits and failures, and an invitation to remake the game in a more democratic way. It pays special attention to baseball's role in the reconstruction of Am

Introduction. Based on the concept of space of places, the author identifies and analyzes the sources, structure, dynamics and mechanism of the post-Soviet transformation of urban names of the capital of North Ossetia-Alania-Vladikavkaz. The starting point of the study is the understanding that urban toponymy is a symbolic form of arranging and consolidating social practices in the urban space for the construction of identity and memory. From a functional point of view, the urbanonyms of Vladikavkaz fulfill a political, ideological and sociocultural role for the region, local communities and the titular Ossetian ethnic group.Methodology and sources. When studying the claimed research topic, the author relied on the approaches recognized in world social science: the concept of places of memory of P. Nora; the theory of social space P. Bourdieu; ideas of J. Terborn about the role of capitals in the arrangement of the symbolic space of places; the concept of anthropology of the place M. Auger. The historical atlases and maps of Vladikavkaz of various periods and works of regional toponymy specialists were analyzed.Results and discussion. Six key areas of toponymic changes characteristic of the Ossetian capital are distinguished: a) desovetization; b) decolonization is ideological; c) restoration; d) ethnicization ("Ossetization", "Alanization"); e) positive conservation of the intra-Caucasian matrix of urbanonyms; f) reproduction of all-Russian cultural and military symbols of identity.The redistribution of structural components in the capital city urbanonyms is carried out in favor of anthroponymic, ethnonymic, cultural and military names.Conclusion. The increase in the number of personalized urbanonyms indicates: 1) the expansion of competition between social groups - carriers of various types of capital for the symbolic appropriation of the metropolitan space; 2) deepening regionalization in toponymic practices; 3) the orientation toward the construction of the Ossetian (Alan) identity and memory. A new symbolic map of Ossetians has been formed, in which their ideas and practices about social affiliation and memory are represented. ; Введение. Опираясь на концепцию пространства мест, автор выявляет и анализирует источники, структуру, динамику и механизм постсоветской трансформации урбанонимов столицы РСО - Алании - Владикавказа. Исходным в исследовании является понимание того, что городская топонимика - это символическая форма обустройства и закрепления в городском пространстве социальных практик по конструированию идентичности и памяти. С функциональной точки зрения, урбанонимы Владикавказа выполняют политическую, идеологическую и социокультурную функцию для региона, местных сообществ и титульного осетинского этноса.Методология и источники. При изучении заявленной темы исследования автор опирался на признанные в мировой социальной науке подходы: концепцию мест памяти П. Нора; теорию социального пространства П. Бурдье; идеи Й. Терборна о роли столиц в обустройстве символического пространства мест; концепцию антропологии места М. Оже. Анализировались исторические атласы и карты Владикавказа различных периодов, труды региональных специалистов по топонимии.Результаты и обсуждение. Выделяются шесть ключевых направлений топонимических изменений, характерных для осетинской столицы: а) десоветизация; б) деколонизация идеологическая; в) реставрация; г) этнизация («осетинизация», «аланизация»); д) позитивная консервация внутрикавказской матрицы урбанонимов; е) воспроизводство общероссийских культурных и милитарных символов идентичности. Перераспределение структурных компонентов в корпусе столичных урбанонимов осуществляется в пользу антропонимических, этнонимических, культурных и милитарных наименований.Заключение. Рост количества личностно-именных урбанонимов свидетельствует:1) о расширении конкуренции между социальными группами - носителями различных видов капитала за символическое присвоение столичного пространства; 2) об углублении регионализации в топонимических практиках; 3) об ориентации на конструирование осетинской (аланской) идентичности и памяти. Сформирована новая символическая карта осетин, в которой репрезентируются их представления и практики о социальной принадлежности и памяти.

The concept of 'Scandinavian culture' is not new: the implicit understanding is that all Nordic states have similar cultural values (Smith et al. 2003). Nevertheless, disturbing cultural differences may still surface even when representatives from similar cultures work together. The purpose of this paper is therefore to understand the intercultural landscape of the Nordic region today and to appreciate the unique cultural values of each nation. The hallmark of Norwegian cultural practices within a Nordic context is seen to be higher gender egalitarianism. The most pronounced Danish cultural trait within a Nordic framework is low power distance. The Finnish culture on the other hand is seen to be the most hierarchical and formal culture in the Nordic region, whereas the Swedish culture is said to mirror values such as 'socially concerned individualism'. Indeed, a subtle equilibrium seems to pervade the Swedish way of behaving – a balance between individualism and social concern.

Sally Haslanger offers the following concept of "woman": If one is perceived as being biologically female and, in that context, one is subordinated owing to the background ideology, then one "functions" as a woman (2012b, 235). An implication of this account is that if someone is not regarded by others as their self-identified gender, they do not function as that gender socially. Therefore, one objection to this ascriptive account of gender is that it wrongly undermines the gender identities of some trans people. In this paper, I will argue that Haslanger's definition can be defended against this objection and that her account inevitably aids in liberatory efforts not only for cisgender women, but for all sexual and gender minorities. While Katharine Jenkins's dual account of gender aims to rectify this objection (2016, 407), I will point out two important problems with her argument: "the inclusion dilemma" and "the abolition problem." Finally, I will argue that Haslanger's account of gender is preferable to Jenkins's because it outlines the reality of gender as an oppressive, hierarchical system whose categories ought to be dismantled.

This exploratory study examined the intersections of Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) American cultural identity and attitudes towards mental health and mental health services. Fifteen in-depth narrative interviews with participants of MENA descent in the United States were analyzed using qualitative thematic content analysis, revealing five primary themes within these data: denial, lack of awareness, stigma/shame, collective identity, and resistance. These results indicate cultural identity plays a unique and significant role in how this population understands and responds to mental health and substance use challenges, in a way that often creates barriers to social service provision and success. Implications and suggestions for how these findings might be used to develop more culturally competent and effective social work interventions for MENA communities are discussed.

The common nomenclature of ethnicity, race and colour has been found wanting in theorising and dealing with the Muslim presence in Britain. This study of 24 prominent British Muslims - including political, policy and academic/ intellectual 'elite' – explores the making and representation of Muslim identity in Britain. We explore this through three considerations: Muslimness as a 'master status'; leadership and representation in relation to British Muslims; and the public performance of Muslimness during 'key moments'.

Between 1969 and 1975, in Turin, a social movement with migrants from southern Italy as its protagonists addressed the issues of working conditions in the automobile plants, and housing and living standards in the city's overcrowded working-class neighbourhoods. Southern migrants, from different regions and speaking sometimes mutually incomprehensible dialects, forged a collective identity as Meridionali – "southerners" – and claimed recognition as fully fledged citizens of Turin's industrial society. This identity-building was captured in the making through the satirical cartoons featuring Gasparazzo, the character of a southern worker at FIAT who struggled daily with the alienation of work, the arrogance of supervisors, the repression enforced by the police, and, back in the south, the backwardness of the social system. Although the publication of Gasparazzo ended abruptly in 1972 the qualities of the cartoon character continued to resonate in succeeding years. As militancy waned and the social movement started to crumble, Gasparazzo came to symbolize the nostalgic model of a working-class hero rather than any actual southerner in the plant.

Anonymity can grant people privacy, safety, and enable rebellion in an oppressive regime. But it can also foster aggression, hate, and undue political upheaval. Drawing on theoretical frameworks from Science and Technology Studies, this research aims to learn how user anonymity granted by specific platform structures and policies influences how users behave either prosocially or antisocially online. To reach this goal, I performed a qualitative content analysis on data sampled from three major platforms with varying levels of user anonymity (Facebook, Reddit, and 4chan), studied each platform's basic structure, content, and privacy policies, and researched government policies and procedures about online anonymity in Canada and abroad. My analysis focused on collecting a sample of one hundred comments from one root post on each platform, and then conducting an inductive content analysis on those data sets. One of this study's primary findings supports existing literature that states that levels of anonymity directly influence user behaviour online, in both prosocial and antisocial ways. Within my research, users of 4chan, the platform design with the highest level of anonymity, produced the highest number of aggression codes and the most severe aggressive behaviour, yet also the least user-directed aggression, the highest number of non-aggression posts (tied), and the most varied non-aggression codes. This finding leads to further speculation that online anonymity can neither be considered helpful or harmful;it is a complex social construct that brings out both the best and the worst of human behaviour.