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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Contributors -- CHAPTER ONE. American Industry zn International Com petition / Tyson, Laura / Zysman, John -- CHAPTER TWO. The Politics of Competitive Erosion zn the U.S. Steel Industry / Borrus, Michael -- CHAPTER THREE. Decline in an Expanding Industry: japanese Competition in Color Television / Millstein, James E. -- CHAPTER FOUR. Trade and Development in the Semiconductor Industry: japanese Challenge and American Response / Borrus, Michael / Millstein, James E. / Zvsman, John -- CHAPTER FIVE. The Politics of Protection zn the U.S. Textile and Apparel Industries / Aggarwal, Vinod K. / Haggard, Stephan -- CHAPTER SIX. Adjustment in the Footwear Industry: The Consequences of Orderly Marketing Agreements / Yoffie, David B. -- CHAPTER SEVEN. Beyond the Age of Ford: The Strategic Basis of the Japanese Success in Automobiles / Friedman, David -- CHAPTER EIGHT. Italian Small Business Development: Lessons for U.S. Industrial Policy / Piore, Michael J. / Sabel, Charles F. -- CHAPTER NINE. Conclusions: What to Do Now? / Tyson, Laura / Zvsman, John -- Index

"Fiction, Fact, and Gen Z in International Relations and Comparative Pedagogy" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Early Warning and Conflict Prevention Responsibilities of the International Community" published on by Oxford University Press.

Introduction/Purpose: Inclusive economic growth is a concept that has taken on importance in recent years globally; however, it has scarcely been studied in Peru. This research aims to know if there exists a positive relationship between inclusive economic growth and international trade in Peru in the period 2000-2021. Methodology: Inclusive economic growth was measured using the pillars of growth and development (per capita GDP, labour productivity, employment, and life expectancy) and inclusion (income concentration and poverty) of the Inclusive Development Index (IDI) proposed by the World Economic Forum. The Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) method was used to perform the regressions. Findings: The results show that the growth of International Trade in Peru has a positive relationship with two of the indicators of inclusive economic growth analysed: real GDP per capita and Vulnerable Employment. In contrast, it has a negative relationship with Labour Productivity. There is no statistical significance for the Poverty variable. Furthermore, there is no cointegration between Peruvian International Trade and Life Expectancy at Birth or Income Distribution. Conclusions: Therefore, it is concluded that inclusive economic growth has a positive relationship with Peruvian International Trade. The study focuses on four development pillars and two inclusion pillars, so the analysis will serve to propose policies that promote inclusive economic growth in Peru.

The development of international trade implies the use of the territory of Central Asia as a transit zone, through which the routes China–Europe, China – the middle East should be laid. The existing communication capabilities are not enough, so new directions are being developed (Railways "China–Kazakhstan – Turkmenistan–Iran", "Turkmenistan– Afghanistan–Tajikistan", "China–Kyrgyzstan–Uzbekistan"; multimodal transit corridors" Lazurit"," TRANS – Caspian international transport route"; such highways as "Western China– Western Europe"). However, paved roads, both rail and road, do not always meet expectations in terms of the volume of cargo passing through them (projects "China – Kazakhstan – Turkmenistan – Iran" and the Lapis lazuli corridor). Their loading is delayed "until better times" either due to the unstable political background, or due to the lack of necessary commodity flows in both directions. In some cases, there is a lack of political will to make appropriate decisions. Finished projects are unprofitable. None of the international transit projects announced or even completed over the past 20 years through the Central Asian republics has been fully operational. Meanwhile, international transit allows not only to fill the state budget, but also to solve issues of internal connectivity of territories. This task is most relevant today for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which have become hostages of their own geography, with localities separated by impassable mountain ranges.

Debates over the merit of supporting the International Criminal Court (ICC) continue with fervour at the United Nations Security Council and General Assembly, in spite of steadfast opposition by the United States towards the Rome Statute and its pro-active attempts in thwarting the ICCs sphere of influence with bilateral immunity agreements. In assessing the dominant reservations withholding non-party Southeast Asian states from endorsing the ICC - be it apprehension over politically-motivated accusations, the desire to uphold the norm of national sovereignty over erga omnes, domestic considerations such as opposition from vested interest groups, or pressure from the US to reject the Statute altogether - this article discerns a conspicuous trait spanning all countries, i.e. public opinion, even in democracies, is secondary to state elites obsession with preservation of state sovereignty and regime sustenance. (Contemp Southeast Asia/DÜI)