Suchergebnisse

The cities of Hong-Kong and Singapore, of british origin and Chinese population, enjoy a standard of living comparable to that of southern Europe. They have both experimented an exceptionally fast growth over the past twenty years within opposite social and political frames : liberalism in Hong- Kong, interventionism in Singapore.
The manufacturing sector, differing in strategy an sectorial structure, is in both cases almost wholly export-oriented. It accounts for only a third of Gdp. Economic activity mainly relies on international trade and services and therefore cannot be imitated by neighbour economies. Recent macro-economic difficulties are worse in Singapore, linked with Asean countries, than in Hong-Kong, linked with OECD countries and mainland China. They do not mean the end of a miracle. Their growth was no miracle, and is likely to pick up in the near future, although at a slower pace.

Las Sociedades Nacionales de salvamento y las instituciones de salvamento de los Estados miembros de la Conferencia Internacional para los Barcos de Salvamento (CIBS) aprobaron por unanimidad el informe de su grupo de trabajo especial sobre la protectión de los barcos de salvamento en período de conflicto armado. El informe, redactado tras la reunión que celebró en Ginebra, del 16 al 18 de abril de 1984, este grupo de trabajo, integrado por representantes de la CIBS, de la Organización Marítima International (OMI), de la Unión Internacional de Telecomunicaciones (UIT) y del CICR, contiene recomendaciones para mejorar la protección, en período de conflicto armado, de los barcos de salvamento y de sus tripulaciones, así como de las instalaciones costeras fijas de las organizaciones de salvamento y de su personal.

AbstractThis research applies an entirely new approach to examining the efficiency of futures markets for Treasury bills and avoids many shortcomings of previous studies that rely on comparing yields on spot versus futures market positions. Efficiency is examined by comparing the consistency of yields within the futures market itself since, at one time, the International Monetary Market (IMM) traded futures contracts for both three‐month and one‐year bills. The results indicate a remarkably large average annual yield differential of 32 basis points when the yields on the one‐year contract are compared to the appropriate corresponding strip of three‐month contracts. Possible explanations such as low volume, market thinness, transaction costs, strategy interdependence, serial correlation among differences, and daily resettlement (the Cox, Ingersoll, and Ross effect) are unsuccessful in explaining this pricing anomaly.

China's "democracy movement" seems, for the moment, to have passed into history. It began with wall-posters in Beijing in November 1978 and reached its high-tide the following February and March. By late March–April 1979, however, the first of a series of restrictions had been placed on participants, and the movement's most outspoken representatives, such as Wei Jingsheng, had been arrested. A year later there was a second crackdown, and even moderate members of the movement were ordered to desist. The final crackdown occurred in April 1981 and resulted in the arrest of more than 20 activists. Although the movement focused upon Beijing, where a wide variety of "unofficial" or "people's publications" (minjian kanwu) vied for domestic and international attention, many of China's provinces and cities produced their own "democracy activists" and publications.

International audience ; Definitions of military spending are not homogeneous from country to country, making spatial comparisons difficult. It is therefore necessary to conceptualize the notion of military spending. Moreover, the use of the exchange rate as a conversion instrument is not satisfactory for understanding the comparative strategic evolutions of states. It is therefore necessary to use appropriate statistical techniques, in particular purchasing power parity methods. ; Les définitions des dépenses militaires ne sont pas homogènes de pays à pays, ce qui rend difficiles les comparaisons spatiales. Il est donc nécessaire de conceptualiser la notion de dépenses militaires. En outre, l'utilisation du taux de change comme instrument de conversion n'est pas satisfaisante pour comprendre les évolutions stratégiques comparatives des Etats. Il convient alors d'utiliser des techniques statistiques adaptées, notamment les méthodes de parités de pouvoir d'achat.

International audience ; Definitions of military spending are not homogeneous from country to country, making spatial comparisons difficult. It is therefore necessary to conceptualize the notion of military spending. Moreover, the use of the exchange rate as a conversion instrument is not satisfactory for understanding the comparative strategic evolutions of states. It is therefore necessary to use appropriate statistical techniques, in particular purchasing power parity methods. ; Les définitions des dépenses militaires ne sont pas homogènes de pays à pays, ce qui rend difficiles les comparaisons spatiales. Il est donc nécessaire de conceptualiser la notion de dépenses militaires. En outre, l'utilisation du taux de change comme instrument de conversion n'est pas satisfaisante pour comprendre les évolutions stratégiques comparatives des Etats. Il convient alors d'utiliser des techniques statistiques adaptées, notamment les méthodes de parités de pouvoir d'achat.

As recipients of Fulbright-Hayes lectureships, we taught political science courses at two Chinese universities during the academic year 1983-84. Professor Thompson, at the International Politics Department of Beijing University, the major liberal arts university in North China, and Professor Morrison with the History Department of Zhongshan University in Guangzhou, the comparable institution of the south. We were the first western political scientists in residence and teaching on a regular basis in mainland Chinese universities in over thirty years, and taught the first political science courses included in Chinese curricula since the late 1940's. In addition to lecturing in each other's departments. Professor Thompson spent a week at Fudan University in Shanghai and Professor Morrison lectured at Nanjing University. These are our perceptions regarding the current state of political science in the People's Republic of China.

"In diesem Beitrag wird der Versuch unternommen, die Folgen der teilweise stürmischen innerwestlichen Auseinandersetzungen hinsichtlich der Ost-West-Wirtschaftsbeziehungen zu analysieren. Zwischen 1980 und 1982 hat es wiederholt Versuche der USA gegeben, durch die Verhängung wirtschaftlicher Sanktionen ihre Ablehnung der sowjetischen Invasion in Afghanistan und des sowjetischen Drucks auf Polen zu unterstreichen. Derartige Maßnahmen wurden von den Westeuropäern nicht nur deshalb mit Zurückhaltung aufgenommen, weil sie von deren Erfolglosigkeit überzeugt waren, sondern auch abgelehnt, weil sie die eigenen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Prioritäten im Verhältnis zu den östlichen Staaten empfindlich zu stören begannen. 1982 kam es zu einer Zuspitzung des transatlantischen Konfliktes in diesem Bereich und schließlich - am 13. November 1982 - zu einem Kompromiß, entsprechend dem die USA sich bereit erklärten, die Sanktionen gegen die Erdgaspipeline von Sibirien nach Westeuropa aufzuheben, wenn gleichzeitig die Westeuropäer sich bereit erklärten, die Ost-West-Wirtschaftsbeziehungen einer grundlegenden Prüfung zu unterziehen. Diese Prüfung - sie wurde in Studiengruppen verschiedener internationaler Organisationen wie der OECD, der IEA, der NATO sowie des COCOM durchgeführt - ist mittlerweise weitgehend abgeschlossen. Der einzelne Konsens erweist sich jedoch als sehr zerbrechlich, weil es nicht gelang, die grundlegenden Differenzen über den Ost-West-Handel auszuräumen. Aus diesem Grund ist es durchaus möglich, daß z.B. hinsichtlich der Verhängung von politisch motivierten wirtschaftlichen Sanktionen, hinsichtlich der extraterritorialen Anwendung amerikanischer Gesetzgebung und hinsichtlich der zukünftigen wirtschaftlichen und wissenschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit der westeuropäischen Staaten mit den USA neue Schwierigkeiten entstehen können." (Autorenreferat)

"Eine abgerundete Bilanz der Tarifrunde 1984 erscheint zu Beginn des Jahres 1985 verfrüht, denn noch ist die Überraschung nicht abgeklungen, in welchem Ausmaß der Konflikt der Tarifpartner das gesellschaftliche Umfeld in seinen Sog gezogen, die Regierung sich eingemischt und die moderne Technologie bewährte Kampftaktiken der Gewerkschaften unterlaufen hat. Auch das schillernde Tarifergebnis, die Kombination von allgemeiner Arbeitszeitverkürzung und Flexibilisierung, vor allem jedoch die Verlagerung tarifvertraglicher Regelungskompetenzen auf die betriebliche Ebene läßt noch unbestimmt, wie stark sich die Arbeitszeitverkürzung gegen die Lohnerhöhung durchsetzt und beschäftigungspolitisch wirksam wird. Dennoch sind in der Tarifrunde Konturen einer veränderten Arbeitsethik wahrnehmbar, die ein ausschließlich instrumentelles Verständnis der Arbeit und damit die Fixierung auf Erwerbsarbeit überwindet - auch wenn noch offenbleibt, ob die Vorentscheidung für weniger Erwerbsarbeit anstelle von mehr Lohn dem einzelnen Arbeitnehmer größere Zeitsouveränität geschenkt, die Solidarität der Erwerbstätigen mit den Arbeitslosen überzeugend und erfolgreich zum Ausdruck gebracht und die Qualität der Erwerbsarbeit als Ort schöpferischer Selbstdarstellung und sozialer Anerkennung verbessert hat. In der Tarifrunde haben sich auch veränderte arbeitspolitische Entscheidungen verkörpert: Die Beiträge, die vom Wirtschaftswachstum und von der Arbeitszeitverkürzung zum Abbau der Massenarbeitslosigkeit zu erwarten sind, werden anders gewichtet. Auch sind Tendenzen aufgehalten worden, die ganze Personengruppen wie Frauen, Ausländer, ältere Arbeitnehmer und Jugendliche aus dem Arbeitsmarkt ausgrenzen. Umfassende arbeitspolitische Konzepte, die die marktwirtschaftsbedingten Asymmetrien der privaten und öffentlichen Wirtschaftsrechnung, der primären Einkommensverteilung und der internationalen Wirtschaftsbeziehungen antasten und zu regeln versuchen, sind indessen ausgeblendet worden." (Autorenreferat)

International audience ; Definitions of military spending are not homogeneous from country to country, making spatial comparisons difficult. It is therefore necessary to conceptualize the notion of military spending. Moreover, the use of the exchange rate as a conversion instrument is not satisfactory for understanding the comparative strategic evolutions of states. It is therefore necessary to use appropriate statistical techniques, in particular purchasing power parity methods. ; Les définitions des dépenses militaires ne sont pas homogènes de pays à pays, ce qui rend difficiles les comparaisons spatiales. Il est donc nécessaire de conceptualiser la notion de dépenses militaires. En outre, l'utilisation du taux de change comme instrument de conversion n'est pas satisfaisante pour comprendre les évolutions stratégiques comparatives des Etats. Il convient alors d'utiliser des techniques statistiques adaptées, notamment les méthodes de parités de pouvoir d'achat.

Edith Chabrier, The delegates to the First Congress of the Peoples of the East, Baku (1-8 September 1920).
There were two thousand delegates present at the First Congress of the Peoples of the East organized in Baku by the Communist International. These delegates belonged to many various and highly heterogeneous ethnic entities. They were classified into Communists and non-Party members, according to somewhat doubtful criteria. We can point out five groups: the "profiteers"; Muslims of Russia and Central Asia, fiery champions of the positions of national Communism; delegations of Transcaucasia consisting mainly of representatives of small ethnic groups protected by Bolsheviks; foreign Eastern delegates - in this group, the only ones to raise their voices were the Turkish nationalists; and the representatives of the Komintern and of the Western Communist parties, who got all the credits.

SummaryUsing a unique set of birth registration data from the Demographic Surveillance System of the International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh, for the period 1974–77, and socioeconomic information collected in the 1974 census, fertility was studied in relation to occupation, size of dwelling, number of cows and number of boats owned. The total fertility rate was found to vary between 6 and 6·5 except in the famine year of 1975. There was no consistent relationship between fertility and education of women. Fertility differentials by occupation showed that the household heads who were farm labourers had relatively lower fertility compared to other occupational groups, except for the year 1977 where the families of service holders were found to have relatively lower fertility. There was a consistent direct relationship between the dwelling size and fertility for each of the years.

In quantitative research into the causes of war there is a tradition in asking the question whether there is any systematic pattern in time. Do wars come in cycles? Is there an upward trend in the frequency of warfare or are wars disappearing gradually? In addition, some investigations have been made on the war-proneness of nations. Are some nations inclined to fight more than others? Or are chances that states resort to violence equal? Using the data collected in the Correlates of War (COW) Project, this study attempts to test the interactive effects of temporal and spatial aspects of warfare over the period 1816-1980. Results show that outbreaks of war within specific regions (Europe, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East and Africa) are not related to outbreaks elsewhere in the international system. Furthermore, warfare in Europe has a distinct epidemiological character, while in other regions it has not.

Extract from a novel by a Russian author recently sentenced to a long term in a labour camp The author is a 46-year-old Russian historian who used to be the headmaster of a village school. In 1967 he was sentenced to six years' imprisonment for his membership of the All-Russian Social-Christian Union and after his release he worked as a labourer. In May 1983 he was sentenced to another ten years' term in a labour camp, to be followed by five years of internal exile. The charge was 'anti-Soviet agitation and propaganda' allegedly committed through his literary work. He was adopted as prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International. The following is an extract from Borodin's novel which is to be published in English by Quartet Books, to whom we are grateful for permission to print it.

Perhaps we political scientists and sociologists should have left 'legitimacy' to the constitutional and international lawyers. Such a view is certainly suggested by the present cacophany of our definitions, taxonomies and applications of the term. When the contributors to a book on political legitimation in communist states, representing by no means the full range of scholarly views on the social and political systems of these countries, can variously characterize the political legitimation of the USSR today as dominated by 'goal-rational', 'traditional' or 'paternalistic' legitimation, or as a combination of 'heteronomous-teleological' and 'autonomous-consensual' or of 'overt' and 'covert' modes of legitimation, we evidently have a long way to go before our shared understandings of political legitmation could be adequate for the comparative study of political systems or for analysing political change.