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The article is considered the concept of «coalition presidentialism». It has been considered the features in building coalition in parliamentary and presidential systems. Among the indicators of coalition building in parliamentary system are investiture rule, the formateur party, motives of politicians, agreement on the coalition formation, and political fragmentation. In presidential system, they are cabinet appointments, pork, and patronage. ; Рассмотрена концепция «коалиционного президенциализма». Также рассмотрены особенности построения коалиций в парламентских и президентских системах. Среди факторов, которые влияют на построение коалиций в парламентских системах, выделяют: правило инвеституры, партия-форматор, мотивы политиков, соглашение по поводу формирования коалиции, и политическую фрагментацию. В президентских системах этими факторами выступают: назначение в правительство, патронаж и «поощрения». ; Розглянуто концепцію «коаліційного президенціалізма». Також розглянуті особливості побудови коаліцій в парламентських і президентських системах. Серед факторів, які впливають на побудову коаліцій в парламентських системах, виділяють: правило інвеститури, партія-форматор, мотиви політиків, угода з приводу формування коаліції, і політичну фрагментацію. У президентських системах цими факторами виступають: призначення в уряд, патронаж та "заохочення".

The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system. ; Стаття присвячена аналізу теоретичних передумов і практичних наслідків об'єднання критичної педагогіки і народної (популярної) освіти у Великій Британії. Доводиться, що атмосфера кризи у суспільстві і освіті актуалізувала пошуки "критичної надії" щодо можливості трансформувати формальну та неформальну освіту. Підкреслюється, що спільні засадничі принципи і мета, навіть на фоні теоретичних дискусій, дозволяють у критичних умовах об'єднатися, як то сталося у Великій Британії. Наголошується значення широкої коаліції задля модернізація системи освіти.Ключові слова: критична педагогіка, об'єднання "Гурт критична педагогіка/народна (популярна) освіта", народна (популярна) освіта, модернізація системи освіти. Статья посвящена анализу теоретических оснований и практических последствий объединения критической педагогики и народного (популярного) образования. Доказывается, что атмосфера кризиса в обществе и образовании актуализировала поиски «критической надежды» в отношении возможности трансформировать формальное и неформальное образование. Подчеркивается, что общие основные принципы и цель, даже на фоне теоретических дискуссий, позволяют в критических условиях объединиться, как это произошло в Великобритании. Подчеркивается значение широкой коалиции для модернизации системы образования.Ключевые слова: критическая педагогика, объединение «Группа критическая педагогика/народное (популярное) образование», народное (популярное) образование, модернизация системы образования. The beginning of the 21st century has posed numerous challenges for the global population, including the growth of inequality both worldwide and in specific societies. Inequality in access to good education is also increasing. The debate on our understanding of what modern education should be like is broadening. It was this atmosphere of crisis in society and education in the UK after the 2008 global financial and economic downturn that galvanised the search for "critical hope" for the possibility of transforming formal and informal education. For the sake of this hope, representatives of critical pedagogy and popular education have united into a single group (Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group). Modernisation of the education system in Ukraine also requires unity of all those interested and involved in the education process. Thus, the UK's experience is of considerable interest. The possibility and rationale of combining these two areas into a single Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group in the UK has so far remained under-researched. The article studies theoretical preconditions and practical consequences of the combination of critical pedagogy and popular education in the UK. It is emphasised that the common basic principles and purpose, even with the background of theoretical debate, create unity in critical conditions, as it has occurred in the United Kingdom. Common for critical pedagogy and popular education are: the orientation towards the student's life experience; confidence in representation of politics in education; resistance against official hierarchies; development of critical thinking; and critical reflection on important subjects of public life with a view to improve it. However, critical pedagogy and popular education cannot be considered as one and the same. Popular education goes beyond the boundaries of traditional educational institutions with the aim of maximum adaptation to the experience of those who are studying. It aims to meet with the learners not only in the field of their experience, but also in the literal sense: in their homes, public spaces, and so on. Representatives of popular education also do not differentiate the positions of the teacher and the student, emphasising that their experience is of equal importance. Thus, popular education is based on a horizontal connection instead of the usual vertical hierarchies in the educational space. The process of popular education should correspond to the following general characteristics: its curriculum should be based on the concrete experience and material interests of people in the communities of resistance and struggle; its methods and practices of teaching are collective and focused on the group unlike individual learning and development; and it tries where possible to promote direct links between education and social actions. Critical pedagogy, like popular education, also focuses on the student's life experiences. Critical pedagogy offers a curriculum which focuses on the study of everyday life, informal and popular culture, historical models of governance, the subjectivity and identity of the individual. Thus, critical pedagogy interprets pedagogical reality as widely as possible, which allows its theorists to unite with popular education in order to solve social and transformational problems through socio-pedagogical practices. Critical Pedagogy / Popular Education Group has united theorists, political activists, artists and people's educators for the sake of progressive education in the purpose of social change. Common to them is the recognition of deep injustice, dehumanization and attacks on human dignity in many areas of life of the founders of the group, and the lives of those who are less privileged than the founders of the group. This group has connected those working in formal educational institutions to others beyond their boundaries. The aim of the group, as the founders emphasise in its program document, is to enable those involved in social transformation and political struggle in formal and informal education to integrate their knowledge, to develop pedagogy of involvement, life and hope in order to break down the barriers between informal and formal education and connect them again to make possible a progressive change; rethink university as a radically democratic social and political institution; change individualised atomisation, instrumental and fatalistic thinking proposed by neoliberalism under the slogan "there is no alternative"; combine activism outside the academic institutions and inside them; combine academic theory and practice in order to improve the world; use the experience of other institutions, movements, and groups with similar views; and develop an independent community of those working for social justice and a sustainable future. We emphasise that the union emerged for the sake of joint actions, while theoretical differences undoubtedly remain. In the opinion of the group's founders, a number of issues are still subject to debate. Among them is the refinement of the concept of practice – namely, whether there is a distinction between theory and practice, or whether academic theory, learning and teaching can be considered practices. There is also a need to clarify the understanding of the concept of community in the environment of blurring of face-to-face communities, and whether there is a need to develop a collective action strategy in the absence of community. There is even discussion around the basic vocabulary terms of the group, subversion and transformation. There is debate about the limits of the subversion and transformation of the dominant definitions of education and the forms of institutional power. In our opinion, the long list of discussion points proves that the process of integration was not a simple matter. The task of modernising the education system in Ukraine needs the same broad coalition, in the middle of which there will undoubtedly be a number of controversial theoretical issues. However, the common ground principles and purpose would allow us to unite in critical conditions, as it happened in the UK. The consideration of the theoretical intentions of critical pedagogy and popular education, the clarification of the underlying conditions and the purpose of their unification into a single group in the UK allows us to renew our vision of the place of education in public life.Key words: critical pedagogy, Critical Pedagogy/Popular Education Group, popular education, modernisation of education system.

The article is considered the concept of «coalition presidentialism». It has been considered the features in building coalition in parliamentary and presidential systems. Among the indicators of coalition building in parliamentary system are investiture rule, the formateur party, motives of politicians, agreement on the coalition formation, and political fragmentation. In presidential system, they are cabinet appointments, pork, and patronage. ; Рассмотрена концепция «коалиционного президенциализма». Также рассмотрены особенности построения коалиций в парламентских и президентских системах. Среди факторов, которые влияют на построение коалиций в парламентских системах, выделяют: правило инвеституры, партия-форматор, мотивы политиков, соглашение по поводу формирования коалиции, и политическую фрагментацию. В президентских системах этими факторами выступают: назначение в правительство, патронаж и «поощрения». ; Розглянуто концепцію «коаліційного президенціалізма». Також розглянуті особливості побудови коаліцій в парламентських і президентських системах. Серед факторів, які впливають на побудову коаліцій в парламентських системах, виділяють: правило інвеститури, партія-форматор, мотиви політиків, угода з приводу формування коаліції, і політичну фрагментацію. У президентських системах цими факторами виступають: призначення в уряд, патронаж та "заохочення".

Розкрито публічно-політичну природу коаліції захисників, визначено їх мережну організацію ; Раскрыта публично политическая природа коалиции защитников, определена их сетевую организацию ; The public policy nature of advocacy coalition reveals, their network organisation is defined

This article analyzes the question of the parliamentary majority (coalition) in Ukraine in connection with the restoration of the Constitution of Ukraine in 2004. The status of the theoretical aspects of this subject, in particular, the factors that influence the activity of the parliamentary majority (coalition) are investigated. ; У статті проаналізовано питання діяльності парламентської більшості (коаліції) в Україні з огляду на відновлення дії Конституції України 2004 р. Досліджено теоретичні аспекти статусу зазначеного суб'єкта, зокрема, розглянуто фактори, що впливають на діяльність парламентської більшості (коаліції).

Надано класифікацію словацьких урядів від 1992 до 2012 рр. і визначено, що переважаючим типом коаліційних урядів є мінімально-переможний уряд. Проаналізовано коаліційні уряди з домінуючою партією і уряди, які носять врівноважений характер. Визначено вплив ідеологічного і прагматичного чинників у формуванні коаліційних урядів Словаччини. Розраховано індекс урядової стабільності коаліційних урядів і визначено, що найбільш стабільними є надлишкові уряди. ; This article focuses on the classification of the cabinetswhich were in power during the era of the independent SlowakRepublic. In Slovakia all main types of coalition governmentswere presented – four minimum-winning coalition governments,two oversized governments and one minority coalitiongovernment. The question we ask is whether we can generallyidentify any prevailing type of cabinets. Our conclusion is thatthere were mostly minimal-winning coalitions or oversizedcabinets, mostly based on cooperation of ideologically distantpolitical parties. Ideological divergence wasn't a reason to stopbargaining process.Almost all governments in Slovakia were formed bycoalitions of parties and only the last one was created byone party. The division construction of minimum-winningcoalitions governments based on the assumption of presenceof one dominant party in governments led by V. Meciar andR. Fico where one party considerably prevails other partnersof governing coalition. In this model the party force that isexpressed in an amount of mandates obtained on parliamentaryelections. In Slovakia in cabinets led by M. Dzurinda and I.Radicova the participants both minimum-winning coalitionsand in grand coalition of the first cabinet led by M. Dzurindawas equal coalition, when political parties have approximatelysimilar amount of deputies. The index of government stabilityfor oversized coalition governments was evaluated for SlovakRepublic – 100 %. The lowest index has the minimum-winningcabinets of I. Radicova in Slovakia with 31 % of stability andfirst cabinet of V. Meciar with 50 % of stability. Only oversizedcoalitions provided government stability. Another aim of thetext is to analyse index of government stability, which is higherfor oversized coalition governments and lower for minimumwinningcoalitions and minority cabinets ; Предоставлена классификация словацких правительствот 1992 до 2012 гг. и определенно, что преобладающимтипом коалиционных правительств является минимально-выигрышное правительство. Проанализированыкоалиционные правительства с доминирующей партией иправительства, которые носят уравновешенный характер.Определено влияние идеологического и прагматическогофакторов на формирование коалиционных правительствСловакии. Рассчитан индекс правительственнойстабильности коалиционных правительств и определено,что наиболее стабильными являются излишниеправительства

Надано огляд теорії мінімально-переможних коаліційних урядів. Вивчено історію формування мінімально-переможних урядів у країнах Центральної Європи, їх склад та завершення діяльності.Проаналізовано мінімально-переможні уряди з домінуючою партією і уряди, які носять врівноважений характер. Визначено вплив ідеологічного і прагматичного чинників у процесі формування мінімально-переможних урядів. Розраховано індекс урядової стабільності мінімально-переможних урядів у вище зазначених країнах. ; This study is comparative exploration of minimum-winning coalition governments in Central European countries. The principal objective of this article is 1. to provide a general overview of the essence of minimumwinning coalition governments 2. to show the short history of formation and termination minimum-winning coalition governments since. 2. to make classification of Central European governments and define the prevailing type of cabinets. 3. Define the minimum-winning governments with dominant party and equal parties. 4. To define and to evaluate index of government stability.Minimum-Winning Coalition includes only those parties needed to obtain a majority position, coalition Considerations of the motivations of the gaming actors to form coalition governments divide spatial models in two main groups, those assuming that the political parties are concerned above everything else with gettinginto the office (or office-seeking politicians), and those assuming that thefundamental motivation of political parties to come into power is to implementcertain public policies (or policy-seeking politicians).According to the first approach politicians will say and do everything that will bring them into power.According the second approach politicians must to implement their program into life. On the first approach is based minimum-winninf coalition.Minimum Winning Coalition includes only those parties needed to obtain a majority position, a MNC consists of the minimal number of parties that can form a majority government.Mainly minimal winning coalitions in Central European countries were based on cooperation of ideologically distant political parties. However ideological part of motivation to form coalitions was not excluded.The division construction of minimum-winning coalitions governments based on the assumption of presence of one dominant party that is evident in such countries as Poland, Czech Republic and Hungary, where one party considerably prevails other partners of governing coalition. In this model the party force that is expressed in an amount of mandates obtained on parliamentary elections. Only in Slovakia the participants of minimumwinning coalitions had equal coalition, when political parties have approximately identical amount of deputies.The index of government stability for minimum-winning coalition governments was evaluated for Czech Republic 100%. It is the highest index of government stability among minimum-winning governments in all Central Europe. The lowest index has the cabinet of I. Radicova in Slovakia with 31% of stability and cabinet of J. Kachynski with 35% of stability ; Предоставлен обзор теории минимально-победных коалиционных правительств. Изучена история формирования минимально-победных правительств в странах Центральной Европы, их состав и завершение деятельности. Проанализированы минимально-победные правительства с доминирующей партией и правительства, которые носят уравновешенный характер. Определенно влияние идеологического и прагматичного факторов в процессе формирования минимально-победных правительств. Рассчитано индекс правительственной стабильности минимально-победных правительств в выше отмеченных странах

The methodological aspects of cooperative game theory implementation in coalition research are discussed. In particular, peculiarities of simple games are analyzed as well as introduction of policy dimensions and components of spatial modelling in game-theoretic constructions are elucidated. ; Рассматриваются методологические аспекты применения кооперативной теории игр в исследованиях коалиционных правительств. Сделан анализ специфики простых игр, а также введения в теоретико-игровые конструкции измерения политических позиций игроков и елементов пространственного моделирования. ; Розглянуто методологічні аспекти застосування кооперативної теорії ігор до вивчення проблематики коаліційних урядів. Зокрема проаналізовано специфіку простих ігор, а також введення в теоретико-ігрові побудови виміру політичних позицій гравців та елементів просторового моделювання.

The theoretical approaches to parliamentary coalitions that exist in international political science are presented in the article. A distinction between different types of coalitions is made, coalitions are analyzed in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine after the parliamentary elections of 2005 and 2006 respectively. The attention is paid to the difficulties in determining the type of coalition in Ukraine due to lack of clear rules of the political game in Ukraine. ; The theoretical approaches to parliamentary coalitions that exist in international political science are presented in the article. A distinction between different types of coalitions is made, coalitions are analyzed in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine after the parliamentary elections of 2005 and 2006 respectively. The attention is paid to the difficulties in determining the type of coalition in Ukraine due to lack of clear rules of the political game in Ukraine.

The theoretical approaches to parliamentary coalitions that exist in international political science are presented in the article. A distinction between different types of coalitions is made, coalitions are analyzed in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine after the parliamentary elections of 2005 and 2006 respectively. The attention is paid to the difficulties in determining the type of coalition in Ukraine due to lack of clear rules of the political game in Ukraine. ; The theoretical approaches to parliamentary coalitions that exist in international political science are presented in the article. A distinction between different types of coalitions is made, coalitions are analyzed in the parliaments of Poland and Ukraine after the parliamentary elections of 2005 and 2006 respectively. The attention is paid to the difficulties in determining the type of coalition in Ukraine due to lack of clear rules of the political game in Ukraine.

The research contains the analysis of calculation aspects of forming and functioning coalitions in representative body. We examine nontrivial cases of disparity between coalition subject power and quantitative composition of fractions. For parliamentary fractions in Verkhovna Rada 5-7 convocation, "power indexes" are determined with the use of modern political study instrument. ; Исследование содержит анализ калькуляционных аспектов формирования и функционирования коалиций в представительских органах. Рассматриваются нетривиальные случаи несоответствия коалиционного влияния субъектов количественному составу фракций. Для парламентских фракций Верховной Рады 5-7 созывов определены "индексы влияния" с использованием инструментария современной политической науки. ; Дослідження містить аналіз калькуляційних аспектів формування та функціонування коаліцій у представницьких органах. Розглядаються нетривіальні випадки невідповідності коаліційного впливу суб'єктів кількісному складу фракцій. Для парламентських фракцій Верховної Ради 5-7 скликань визначені "індекси впливу" з застосуванням інструментарію сучасної політичної науки.

The problem of allied cooperation and formation of multilateral coalitions takes an important place in the diplomatic history of 1920-1940s'. This article presents an attempt to analyze the structural and motivational factors that influenced the establishment and functioning of the alliance and coalition relations between the leading powers of the time. In the context of multipolar international system peace and stability could be preserved by arrangements of collective security against aggression and hegemonism, or by the balance of power and effective alliances. None of these structural mechanisms could prevent the aggression of the Berlin-Rome "axis" created in the mid-1930s. The political and ideological contradictions and attempts to appease the Nazi regime at the expense of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe led to the defeat of the Anglo-French coalition in the first phase of the Second World War. The creation of the "second" anti-Hitler coalition was based on the common threat to humanity from the aggressive bloc. However, both the creation of the League of Nations and the United Nations Organization later failed to create effective mechanisms able to ensure collective defense against aggression and violation of international peace. ; В історії дипломатії періоду 20-40 рр. ХХ ст. пріоритетне значення посідає проблема формування союзницьких відносин та багатосторонніх коаліцій. В представленій статті автор намагався проаналізувати структурні та мотиваційні чинники, які впливали на встановлення й функціонування союзницьких та коаліційних відносин між тодішніми провідними державами. В умовах багатополярної системи міжнародних відносин мир і стабільність могли забезпечуватися або внаслідок використання механізмів колективної безпеки проти гегемонізму та агресії, або шляхом дотримання балансу сил та дієвих союзницьких зобов'язань. Жоден з цих структурних механізмів не виявився спроможним зупинити агресію держав «осі» Берлін-Рим, створеної в середині 1930-хрр. Політико-ідеологічні протиріччя та спроби замирення нацистського режиму за рахунок країн Центральної та Східної Європи призвели до поразки англо-французької коаліції на початковому етапі Другої світової війни. Основу «другої» антигітлерівської коаліції становило усвідомлення загрози людству, яка походила від держав-агресорів. Утім, ані при створенні Ліги націй, ані в рамках ООН міжнародній спільноті не вдалося започаткувати ефективні механізми, здатні гарантувати колективний захист від агресії та порушень міжнародного миру.

The research contains the analysis of calculation aspects of forming and functioning coalitions in representative body. We examine nontrivial cases of disparity between coalition subject power and quantitative composition of fractions. For parliamentary fractions in Verkhovna Rada 5-7 convocation, "power indexes" are determined with the use of modern political study instrument. ; Исследование содержит анализ калькуляционных аспектов формирования и функционирования коалиций в представительских органах. Рассматриваются нетривиальные случаи несоответствия коалиционного влияния субъектов количественному составу фракций. Для парламентских фракций Верховной Рады 5-7 созывов определены "индексы влияния" с использованием инструментария современной политической науки. ; Дослідження містить аналіз калькуляційних аспектів формування та функціонування коаліцій у представницьких органах. Розглядаються нетривіальні випадки невідповідності коаліційного впливу суб'єктів кількісному складу фракцій. Для парламентських фракцій Верховної Ради 5-7 скликань визначені "індекси впливу" з застосуванням інструментарію сучасної політичної науки.

This article analyzes variations coalition of associations, especially the formation of coalitions in the Ukrainian parliament and the parliaments of countries of Western Europe. We consider the problem of coalition conflicts as the main cause of instability of the Ukrainian Parliament. ; В статье анализируются разновидности коалиционных объединений, особенности образования коалиций в украинском парламенте и парламентах стран западной Европы. Рассматривается проблематика коалиционных конфликтов как главная причина нестабильности украинского парламента ; У статті аналізуються різновиди коаліційних об'єднань, особливості утворення коаліцій в українському парламенті та парламентах країн західної Європи. Розглядається проблематика коаліційних конфліктів як головна причина нестабільності українського парламенту.

This study is comparative exploration of minimum-winning coalition governments in Central European countries. In article is introduced the short history of formation and termination surplus coalition governments, construction and termination of governments. The index of government stability for surplus governments is evaluated in distinct countries. ; Предоставлен обзор теории чрезмерньіх коалиционных правительств. Изучена история формирования чрезмерньіх правительств в странах Центральной Європи, их состав и завершение деятельности. Рассчитано индекс правительственной стабильности чрезмерньіх правительств в определенньіх странах. ; Надано огляд теорії надлишкових коаліційних урядів. Вивчено історію формування надлишкових урядів у країнах Центральної Європи, їх склад та завершення діяльності. Розраховано індекс урядової стабільності надлишкових урядів у вищезазначених країнах.