Suchergebnisse

Ovaj rad analizira prosječnu bruto per capita dohodovnu konvergenciju osam zemalja Jugoistočne Evrope (JIE) prema prosjeku EU-a. Cilj je utvrditi koji faktori doprinose konvergenciji zemalja JIE regije kao i opisati kretanje konvergencije u periodu 2000.-2018. godine, s posebnom pozornošću na dva pod perioda, prije i nakon Svjetske ekonomke krize. Koristimo pri tome kombinaciju parametarskih i neparametarskih metoda i linearne panel regresije fiksnih efekata s robusnim standardnim greškama. Rezultati sugeriraju da je konvergencija bila podstaknuta procesom EU integracija, obrazovnim nivoom stanovništva, investicijama (stranim, domaćim i javnim), kreditnom ekspanzijom u privatnom sektoru, kao i rastom javnih rashoda. S druge strane, ekonomska kriza, nezaposlenost i inflacija bili su glavni faktori koji su utjecali na divergenciju procesa. Zaključujemo na kraju i da je post-tranzicijski model rasta dominantan u regiji SEE, temeljen na stranim direktnim investicijama, nedovoljan, i da su domaće privatne investicije kritično-nedostajući faktor brže dohodovne konvergencije. ; This paper investigates the average gross per capita income convergence of eight Southeast European economies towards the EU average. Our goal is to analyse which factors have driven that convergence in the SEE region and describe convergence paths in the 2000-2018 period, concerning two sub-periods, before and after the economic crisis. We use a combination of parametric and nonparametric methods and a fixed effects linear panel regression with robust standard errors. Results suggest that the EU integration process drove convergence, education level, investment (FDI, private domestic and public investments), and private sector lending, as well as by government expenditures. Economic crisis, unemployment, and inflation were the main factors which have influenced the divergence process. We also concluded that the post-transition growth model dominant in the SEE region, based on an FDI inflow, has not sufficient for income convergence in this region. Private domestic investments are a critical missing factor for faster income convergence.

Odlukom Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva da napusti Europsku uniju, kao i usporavanjem procesa proširenja Europske unije na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana i Tursku, pojavila se nova fraza u europskom političkom rječniku: Europa izvan Europske unije. Ta fraza, koju promoviraju tvorci britanske vanjske politike, vraća na dnevni red raspravu o europskom identitetu. U ovom članku analiziraju se kompleksni i različiti odgovori na pitanja kao što su tko je, što je, kad je i gdje je Europa, gdje je njezina granica i tko su Drugi u odnosu na nju. Pitanju identiteta Europe pristupa se iz konstruktivističke perspektive, kroz analizu definiranja Sebstva i Drugosti. Iako je Europa nakon Hladnog rata proklamirala kao svoj cilj ujedinjenje i emancipaciju od Drugih, ona je ostala vezana uz Sjedinjene Američke Države kroz koncept euroatlantizma, a u nekim aspektima i uz Rusiju kroz ideju o Euroaziji. U suvremenim okolnostima Europska je unija sve udaljenija od ideala o jednoj i ujedinjenoj Europi. Umjesto toga, ona više liči na lȕk, sa svojim jezgrom, unutarnjom i izvanjskoj periferijom, kao i s vanjskim akterima koji su polupovezani s Europom zbog povijesnih i strateških razloga. Zbog toga se postavlja pitanje je li Europu uopće moguće definirati kao cjelinu u odnosu na njezine susjede i na druge zainteresirane aktere (Rusiju, SAD i Tursku) ili je njezin identitet određen upravo nemogućnošću takvoga jednoznačnog definiranja. ; Following the decision of the United Kingdom to leave the European Union and in the light of the slowing down of the EU enlargement in the Western Balkans and Turkey, a new phrase emerged in the European political vocabulary – Europe outside the European Union. This phrase, promoted by British foreign policy designers, brings the issue of the European identity back on the agenda. Who, what, when and where is Europe, and who are the Others in relation to Europe? In this article, we analyse the complex and mutually divergent replies to the question of the European identity by using a constructivist approach, based on the definitions of the European Self and Other. Despite proclaiming an ambition to unite and emancipate itself from the Others, Europe remained connected to the United States after the Cold War through the concept of Euro Atlanticism. The competing concept of Eurasia – marking a link between Europe and Russia – is also becoming popular in the areas of European inner and external peripheries. Contemporary Europe is far from being "united in diversities" – it looks more like an onion instead with its core countries, internal and external peripheries and influential external stakeholders that are semi-detached to it for historical and strategic reasons. The author therefore puts forward a question of whether it is at all possible to define Europe as the Other to its neighbours and other external stakeholders such as Russia, the US and Turkey. Would it not be more appropriate to define Europe through a permanent notion of being in-between its own Others, rather than through its own clearly marked and defined Self?

Na stajališta hrvatskih građana o Europskoj uniji te ishod budućeg referenduma o ulasku Republike Hrvatske u tu zajednicu, izravno će utjecati njihova percepcija Europske unije. Istražujući percepciju Europske unije u hrvatskoj javnosti možemo prepoznati sporne točke u odnosu EU-Hrvatska, naslutiti razloge pada potpore hrvatskih građana ulasku Hrvatske u Europsku uniju te ujedno razumjeti mogućnosti promjene te percepcije. Analizirajući odnose između Hrvatske i Europe posljednja dva desetljeća, autor uočava temelje današnje percepcije Europske unije u odnosima Hrvatske i Europe prilikom raspada Jugoslavije 1991. i stvaranja Republike Hrvatske. Današnja percepcija Europske unije, naime, uvjetovana je ne samo konkretnim očekivanjima (koristima i štetama) u aspektima društvenog i gospodarskog života, već i općim dojmovima građana o EU-u te odnosom Europe prema Hrvatskoj. Istraživanje otkriva kako je razina očekivanja, odnosno nada i strahova te stereotipa o Europskoj uniji uvjetovana i nedovoljnom razinom informiranosti građana o različitim aspektima funkcioniranja Europske unije. ; Attitudes of Croatian citizens towards the European Union and the outcome of the future referendum on the entry of the Republic of Croatia into this Community will be directly infl uenced by their perception of the European Union. By examining the perception of the European Union among the Croatian public, we can identify sticking points in the relationship between the European Union and Croatia, identify the causes of the decline of support of Croatian citizens for the entry of Croatia into the European Union and understand the possibility of changing this perception. Through an analysis of the relations between Croatia and Europe during the last two decades, the author notes the foundations of today's perception of the European Union in the relations between Croatia and Europe during the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 and the creation of the Republic of Croatia. Today's perception of the European Union is determined not only by ...

Svrha ovoga rada je pružiti razjašnjenje značenja koncepta cjeloživotnog učenja prateći njegov nastanak i razvoj. Polazi se od suvremenog značenja cjeloživotnog učenja a zatim se govori o tome kada, kako i zašto je taj pojam nastao pri čemu se pravi razlika između pojma cjeloživotnog učenja kao ideje i pojma cjeloživotnog učenja kao obrazovno-političkog konstrukta. Navodi se određenje koncepta cjeloživotnog učenja UNESCO-a, OECD-a, Vijeća Europe i Europske Unije koje je autorica iznašla korištenjem metode analize sadržaja na uzorku od ukupno osam ključnih dokumenata navedenih organizacija u okviru dviju razvojnih faza. Pružaju se i definicije pojmova srodnih pojmu cjeloživotnog učenja kako bi se ukazalo na razlike u njihovom i značenju cjeloživotnog učenja. Navode se i razmatraju različite orijentacije, odnosno stajališta o konceptu cjeloživotnog učenja. Na kraju se govori o razlozima zbog kojih je stariji koncept cjeloživotnog obrazovanja zamijenjen novijim konceptom cjeloživotnog učenja. ; The purpose of this paper is to clarify the meaning of the concept of lifelong learning with the reference to its origin and development. First, the contemporary meaning of the lifelong learning is stated after which we discuss as to when, why and how the term was created. In that regard the difference is made between the term of lifelong learning as an idea and the term of lifelong learning as an educational policy concept. By using the content analysis method we identified the meaning of the concept of lifelong learning in a sample of eight key documents of the UNESCO, the OECD, the Council of Europe and the European Union within the two developmental phases, respectively. We then give the explanation of the terms similar to that of the lifelong learning so as to differentiate between them and the term of lifelong learning. We also examine the different orientations, i.e. positions of the concept of lifelong learning. Finally, we discuss the reasons as to why the older concept of lifelong education was replaced with the newer one - lifelong learning.

Europa za građane je centralizirani program Unije, manje financijske omotnice, s time i manje vidljivosti; jedini koji postavlja građane kao ciljanu skupinu, a usmjeren prvenstveno na neprofitne organizacije i JLPS-e kao prijavitelje. Teme koje čine ovaj Program, zbog trenutnog političkog konteksta, EK ih je prepoznala kao vrlo važne za budućnost Unije - aktivno europsko građanstvo, promicanje europskog identiteta kroz demokratski angažman i građansko sudjelovanje na razini Unije, njegovanje europskog sjećanja i zajedničke europske povijesti te one nisu prisutne niti u jednom drugom financijskom instrumentu u EU. U radu je analizirano da li razvijenost županija prema revidiranom indeksu razvijenosti utječe na prijavu na centralizirane programe Unije na primjeru programa Europa za građane u petogodišnjem periodu od 2014.-2018. godine i da li se može doći do zaključka da li hrvatski prijavitelji ovaj Program smatraju relevantnim. Tema je neistražena i sadrži relevantne podatke koji nisu javno dostupni i mogu poslužiti za neka druga istraživanja ili produbljivanje postojećeg nakon što se završi višegodišnje financijsko razdoblje 2014.-2020. ; Europe for Citizens is a centralized Union program, with a smaller budget and thus less visibility; the only one that sets citizens as a target group and targets primarily non-profit organizations and local governments as applicants. Due to the current political context, the topics that are covered within this program, the European Commission has recognized as very important for the future of the Union - active European citizenship, promotion of European identity through democratic engagement and civic participation at Union level, nurturing European memory and common European history and these topics are not covered in any other financial instrument in the EU. The paper analyses whether the development index in of counties affects the application for centralized Union programs on the example of the Europe for Citizens program in the five-year period from 2014-2018 and whether ...

Ideja o nastanku jedne zajednice koja bi obuhvatila Europu seže daleko u prošlost, ali tek 1950. godine nastaju prvi koraci ka stvaranju Europske unije. Velika razaranja u ratovima nametnula su razmišljanja o tome kako nadići antagonizme među europskim državama. Nakon Drugog svjetskog rata, europske države shvaćaju da imaju zajedničke probleme i odlučuju se dobrovoljno udružiti u zajednicu kako bi stvorile bolju budućnost za nadolazeće generacije. Tako nastaje Europska zajednica za ugljen i čelik, koja se kasnije udružuje s Europskom ekonomskom zajednicom i Europskom zajednicom za atomsku energiju te se od 1993. godine formalno formira Europska unija pod tim nazivom. Sadrži veliki broj članica koje se povećavaju iz dana u dan. Osnovni cilj rada jest prikazati kakva je to zapravo bila ideja o osnivanju zajednica koje bi ujedinile Europu, kako je nastala Europska zajednica te kako se razvijala, prikazati ciljeve EU-a, kakve je promjene donijela u Europi te je li ispunila svoj prvobitni i najznačajniji cilj, a to je ujedinjenje Europe. ; The European Union represents the most significant segment of the European integration. The idea about its formation and the formation itself have a long history. In 1950, the French Foreign Minister – Robert Schuman, motivated by the need of establishing peace, presented a project as the beginning of the European federalization process or more clearly as the first step towards the European Federation. Under this influence, in 1952¸ European Coal and Steel Community was established. In the upcoming years, two more communities were founded – European Economic Community and European Community for Atomic Energy. The result of the cooperation and integration of these two communities is the European Union. Formally, it is established on the 1st of November, 1993 by the Maastricht Treaty. European Union is the result of a discussion on building the everlasting peace in this region. It was created as a consequence of fear from the internal and foreign threats to the safety of Europe. The main goals of the European integrations are: encouraging the balanced and tenable economic development; to confirm its identity on the international scene, especially by spreading common foreign and secure politics; to strengthen the protection of rights and interests of the citizens of its members by the introduction of the rights of Union citizenship; to develop a close cooperation in the field of judiciary and internal affairs. Political activities of the European Union can be seen in different spheres – from the health care and economics to the foreign affairs and defence politics. Depending on the development of every country individually, the organization of the European Union differs on different fields. European Union, as the organization that unites Europe and that represents an important segment in development of the international cooperation and the peacekeeping, has become a subject of a study and research of the international historiography. Today, the establishment and development of the European Union are being studied greatly, but also is a question whether it shows some indications of its disruption and disadvantages that could be the reasons of the EU falling apart. Therefore, thanks to many authors, a lot of work exists that talks about this. Is EU going to fall apart in the future - remains the question for which we will be able to find an answer only in days ahead of us.

U radu se analizira nastanak i razvoj Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i uloga ključnih zemalja (osovine Berlin-Pariz-London) u tom procesu. Cilj rada je detektirati unutarnje i vanjske prepreke i izazove na putu integracije ove politike s posebnim fokusom na Brexit i "nove" transatlantske odnose. U tom smislu nastoje se istražiti moguće refleksije izlaska Ujedinjenog kraljevstva Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske kao vojno najsnažnije europske zemlje iz Europske unije na budući razvoj i integraciju Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike EU i "novo" transatlantsko partnerstvo koje je počelo izborom Donalda Trumpa za predsjednika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Autori smatraju da je zbog ova dva izazova buduća integracija Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike u limbu i da će francusko-njemačko partnerstvo i odnosi sa zemljama "nove Europe" biti od presudnog značaja u novom strateškom pozicioniranju ove politike i eliminiranju negativnih implikacija prethodno spomenutih izazova. ; This article analyses emergence and development of the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the role of key countries (Berlin-Paris-London axis) in that process. The aim of the paper is to detect the internal and external obstacles and challenges to the integration of this policy with specific focus on the Brexit and "new" transatlantic relations. In this regard, the authors aim to explore how withdrawal of the United Kingdom of the Great Britain and Northern Ireland, as Europe`s strongest military country, from the European Union will reflect on the future development and integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy of European Union and "new" transatlantic partnership that had begun by Donald Trump`s election for the president of the United States of America. Authors hold that these two challenges set the future integration of the Common Security and Defence Policy into the limbo and further consider that French-German partnership and relationships with the countries of the "New Europe" will be crucial to the new strategic positioning of this policy and in eliminating negative implications of the aforementioned challenges.

The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one. ; The post-communist NATO member states from Central and South-Eastern Europe (CSEE) comprise a group of 11 NATO/EU member states, from the Baltic to the Adriatic and Black Sea. The twelfth and thirteenth NATO member states from the region are Albania and Montenegro. The afore-mentioned NATO/EU member states have mostly shown a similar stance towards the Eastern Partnership Policy. However, since 2014, these states have shown more diverse stances, albeit declaratively supporting the anti-Russian sanctions. Due to the difference in stances towards Russia, the "New Cold Warriors" (Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Romania) and the "Pragmatics" (Hungary, Slovakia, Slovenia and Bulgaria), will maintain a mostly common course towards Russia and the Eastern Partnership states because they have to. The Czech Republic, although hosting a part of the US anti-ballistic missile shield, is not a genuine "New Cold Warrior", while in 2016 Croatia effectively became one.

Politika ruralnog razvoja za svoj glavni cilj ima poboljšanje životnog standarda ljudi koji žive u ruralnim područjima. Ulaskom u Europsku uniju, sve zemlje dobivaju mogućnost korištenja sredstava koje EPFRR (Europskog poljoprivrednog fonda za ruralni razvoj). Cilj ovog rada je prikazati iskoristivost EPFRR-a za zemlje srednje i istočne Europe u razdoblju od 2014. do 2020. godine. Sam cilj EFRR je smanjiti gospodarske razlike između regije kroz razvoj poljoprivrede. Mjere EPFRR odnose se na investiranje u poljoprivredne aktivnosti, potpore slabije razvijenim područjima, u ljudske resurse, zaštitu okoliša i slično. A te mjere još su upotpunjene mjerama za šumarstvo, te mjerama promocije razvoja ruralnih područja. To je napravljeno kroz analizu dokumenata Europske unije, ponajviše ključnih odluka i planova. U radu su dati primjeri na zemljama srednje i istočne Europe, s detaljnijim pregledom iskoristivosti EPFRR u Republici Hrvatskoj, kao i Estoniji, Rumunjskoj i Poljskoj. Kroz komparativnu analizu odabranih zemalja Europske unije prikazuju se korištena sredstava EPFRR-a te i prikaz same poljoprivrede tih zemalja i njihovo pozicioniranje u Europskoj uniji. ; Rural development as its main objective has to improve the living standards of people living in rural areas. By joining the European Union, all countries, together with Croatia, get the opportunity to use the funds that are offered. One of the options which got available is the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The aim of this pape is to demonstrate the usefulness of EAFRD for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in the period from 2014 to 2020. The Fund's goal is to reduce economic disparities between the regions through agricultural development. The EAFRD measures themselves relate to investment in agricultural activities, support for less developed areas, human resources, environmental protection and the like. And these measures are further complemented by measures for forestry, and measures to promote the development of rural areas. This will be done through an analysis of EU documents, highlighting key decisions and plans. Furthermore, this document will attempt to provide a comparative analysis of the researched countries of the European Union, which is an analysis of how much EAFRD is used and how this has affected the development of their rural economic sector, with a more detailed overview of the use of the EAFRD in the Republic of Croatia, as well as Estonia, Romania and Poland.Through a comparative analysis of selected countries of the European Union, the used EAFRD funds are presented, as well as an overview of the agriculture of those countries and their positioning in the European Union.

Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.

Cilj je ovoga istraživanja bio analizirati situaciju u ekološkom stočarstvu u Republici Hrvatskoj i Europi. U europskim zemljama 2017. u ekološkim uzgojima, evidentirano je oko 4,5 milijuna goveda, 5,2 milijuna ovaca, oko 1 milijun svinja te oko 50 milijuna peradi. Najveći udio ekološki registriranih domaćih životinja u usporedbi s ukupnom populacijom u Europi i EU-28 je za goveda (3,5% i 5,2%) i ovce (3,4% i 5,0%), a najniži za svinje (0,6% i 0,7%). Najviši udio u Republici Hrvatskoj je ovaca (8.57%), a najniži peradi (0,02%). Najveće povećanje u zadnjih deset godina u EU je broja peradi (za 103%), a najmanje broja svinja (za 47,6%), dok je povećanje broja goveda i ovaca bilo oko 76% i 74%. U Republici Hrvatskoj u ekološkim uzgojima najviše je povećan broj ovaca (za oko 65,0%), dok je broj goveda i peradi porastao za oko 62 i 64%, a najmanje je povećan broj svinja (za oko 24%). Najviše je ekološkog mesa svih domaćih životinja proizvedeno u Francuskoj i Velikoj Britaniji, a ekološkog mlijeka u Njemačkoj i Francuskoj. Tijekom 2018. godine proizvedeno je najviše ekološkog goveđeg mesa u Velikoj Britaniji i Francuskoj, ekološkog svinjskog mesa u Francuskoj i Finskoj, ekološkog ovčjeg mesa u Španjolskoj i Velikoj Britaniji, ekološkog kozjeg mesa u Španjolskoj, a ekološkog mesa peradi u Francuskoj i Velikoj Britaniji. Utvrđeno značajno povećanje broja domaćih životinja u ekološkim uzgojima u Europi i u RH ukazuje na sve veći interes za ekološkim stočarstvom ne samo uzgajivača i prerađivača nego i konzumenata ekoloških proizvoda u europskim zemljama. ; The aim of the present study was to analyze the situation in organic livestock farming in Croatia and Europe. In the European countries in the year 2017, around 4.5 million cattle, 5.2 million sheep, 1 million pigs and 50 million poultry were registered in organic farming. The highest share of organically registered domestic animals compared to the total population in Europe and the European Union-28 was in cattle (3.5% and 5.2%) and sheep (3.4% and 5.0%), and the lowest in pigs (0.6% and 0.7%). In Croatia the highest share is in sheep (8.57%) and the lowest in poultry (0.02%) number. The largest increase in recent ten years in the EU has been in the number of poultry (by 103%) and the smallest in the number of pigs (by 47.6%), while the increase was the number of cattle and sheep was around 76% and 74%, respectively. In Croatia organic sheep production increased the most (by 65.0%), while the number of cattle and poultry increased by 62 and 64%, and the smallest increase is in the number of pigs (by 24%). The majority of organic meat of all species of domestic animals is produced in France and in United Kingdom, while organic milk is produced mostly in Germany and France. During the year 2018, most organic beef was produced in the UK and France, organic pork in France and Finland, organic sheep meat in Spain and the UK, organic goat meat in Spain, while most of organic poultry was produced in France and in the UK. A significant increase in the number of livestock in organic farming in Europe and in Croatia indicates an increasing interest in organic livestock farming, not only increase of farmers and processors but also increase of consumers of organic products in European countries.

Rad se bavi propitivanjem implikacija izbjegličke krize koja je zahvatila Europsku uniju na demokraciju u Europi i funkcioniranje Europske unije na osnovi usporedbe s teorijom Hannah Arendt o izbjeglicama i ljudskim pravima. Rad se kritički odnosi prema djelovanju Europske unije, posebice Europske komisije, naspram njezinih članica po pitanju rješavanja izbjegličke krize čime se dovodi u pitanje održanje same Europske unije i demokracije na razini Europe. Teorija Hannah Arendt pomaže u sagledavanju sadašnje situacije u povijesnom kontekstu i pruža mogući odgovor kako sačuvati nacionalne države i demokraciju u njima propitivanjem načela ljudskih prava koja je iznjedrila Francuska revolucija, a koja su dovedena u pitanje pojavom izbjegličkog vala s Bliskog istoka u Europu. ; The paper explains the implications of the European refugee crisis for the functioning of the EU and democracy within Europe, with reference to Hannah Arendt's theory on refugees and human rights. The paper examines critically the handling of the refugee crisis by the European Commission and its attitude towards EU Member States, which compromises the actual functioning of theEU and democracy in Europe. Arendt's theory helps us understand better the present situation, taking into account the historical context. Her theory on human rights, born of the French Revolution provides a possible answer regarding how to preserve European nation states and democracy in Europe, notions that have been challenged seriously by the waves of refugees from the Middle East, and ultimately by the European Union itself.

U ovom diplomskom radu na temu "Lisabonski ugovor i Europska unija" govorit ćemo o Ugovoru iz Lisabona kao jednom od Osnivačkih Ugovora Europske unije, ugovoru koji je posljednji donesen na razini Europske unije, ugovoru temeljem kojeg Europska unija u aktualnom obliku postoji te ugovoru koji je trenutno na snazi. Nakon osnovnih teza o Europskoj uniji (definiciji i nekim općim pojmovima), u prvom dijelu rada vidjet ćemo kako je došlo do Ugovora iz Lisabona, te koji su sve Osnivački Ugovori prethodili ovome koji je trenutno na snazi. U samoj razradi rada proći ćemo sve najvažnije aspekte Ugovora, te koliko se zapravo Europska unije mijenjala da bi došla do stanja kakvog je danas tj. po odredbama Ugovora iz Lisabona. Vidjet ćemo da put do Ugovora iz Lisabona nije bilo nimalo lagan, bio je trnovit, pun prepreka i protesta od pojedinih članica, posebice se to odnosi na neuspješni pokušaj Europskog Ustava koji je u pojedinim dijelovima Europe doveo čak i do kaosa. Da donošenje Ugovora nije bilo jednostavno ni bezbolno, dovoljno govori podatak da je, nakon što je potvrđen i ratificiran od strane Parlamenata svih 27 država članica potpisnika Ugovora, stupio na snagu tek dvije godine kasnije, 1. prosinca 2009. Razradom Lisabonskog ugovora praktički, dobit ćemo jedan mali prozor u to kako EU izgleda i funkcionira danas te što je to, u pozitivnom ili negativnom smislu, Europskoj uniji donio Lisabonski ugovor. ; In this dissertation on "Lisbon Treaty and the European Union" we will talk about the Treaty of Lisbon as one of the Founding Treaties of the European Union, the treaty last adopted at the level of the European Union, the treaty under which the European Union exists in its current form and which is currently in force. After the basic theses on the European Union (definition and some general terms), in the first part of the paper we will see how the Treaty of Lisbon came about, and which of the founding treaties preceded the one currently in force. In the elaboration of the paper, we will go through all the most important aspects of the Treaty, and how much the European Union has actually changed in order to reach the state it is today, ie according to the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon. We will see that the road to the Treaty of Lisbon was not easy at all, it was thorny, full of obstacles and protests from some members, especially the failed attempt of the European Constitution which in some parts of Europe even led to chaos. The fact that the adoption of the Treaty was not simple or painless is sufficiently indicated by the fact that, after being confirmed and ratified by the Parliaments of all 27 signatory Member States, it entered into force only two years later, on 1 December 2009. We will have a small window into how the EU looks and works today and what the Treaty of Lisbon has brought to the European Union, in a positive or negative sense.

Proces proširenja jedan je od ključnih vanjskopolitičkih instrumenata Europske unije. Proširenje je Europskoj uniji pomoglo reagirati na velike promjene nastale slomom socijalističkih sustava u Europi, te učvrstilo demokraciju, ljudska prava i stabilnost u državama srednje i istočne Europe koje su postale članice Europske unije. Ostatak istočnog susjedstva Europska unija obuhvatila je politikom Istočnog partnerstva s kojim je, bez obećanja perspektive članstva, planirala sličan scenarij. Međutim, nakon šest godina ta se inicijativa nije pokazala adekvatnom u rješavanju problema istočnog susjedstva, niti je približila države Istočnog partnerstva europskim vrijednostima u onoj mjeri kako je to zamišljeno unutar Europske unije. Pored toga, neuspjeh u realizaciji političkih ciljeva Istočnog partnerstva još jednom je ukazao na nedostatak jedinstva unutar Europske unije i na postojanje različitih interesa u pogledu istočnih susjeda. U isto vrijeme, nove okolnosti u istočnom susjedstvu – promjena geopolitičkog konteksta, ruska vanjska politika, Ukrajinska kriza, pojava alternativne integracije u formi Euroazijske ekonomske zajednice – pozivaju na konkretniju ulogu Europske unije prema susjedima na istoku i na redefiniranje politike Istočnog partnerstva. Ovaj rad bavi se pitanjem budućnosti politike Istočnog partnerstva, s posebnim naglaskom na mogućnost uključivanja istočnog susjedstva u širi kontekst europske politike proširenja. Iako do novih proširenja sasvim izvjesno neće doći u dogledno vrijeme, Europska unija trebala bi barem predložiti neka nova rješenja kako bi se nastavio proces približavanja država Istočnog partnerstva Europskoj uniji. S obzirom na trenutnu ekonomsku i političku situaciju u Europskoj uniji, promjene je realno očekivati jedino kroz reformu postojećih inicijativa – Istočnog partnerstva i Europske politike susjedstva. ; The enlargement process is one of the key foreign policy instruments of the European Union. Expansion of the European Union helped respond to major changes resulting from the collapse of the socialist system in Europe, and consolidate democracy, human rights and stability in the Central and Eastern European countries that became members of the European Union. European Union included the rest of the eastern neighborhoods within the policy of the Eastern Partnership with whom, without the promise of the membership perspective, planned a similar scenario. However, after six years, this initiative neither hproved to be adequate in solving the problems of the eastern neighborhood, nor brough closer the countries of the Eastern Partnership to the European values; as it was conceived within the European Union. In addition, the failure of the implementation of the political goals of the Eastern Partnership once again pointed to the lack of unity within the European Union and the existence of different interests regards eastern neighbors. At the same time, new developments in the eastern neighborhoods – changing geopolitical context, Russia's foreign policy, Ukrainian crisis, the emergence of alternative forms of integration in the Eurasian Economic Community – calling for a specific role of the European Union towards its neighbors to the east and to redefine the Eastern Partnership policy. This paper addresses the question of the future of the Eastern Partnership policy with emphasis on the possibility of including the eastern neighborhood in the wider context of EU enlargement policy. Although new enlargement quite certain will not be seen be in the foreseeable future, the European Union should at least propose some new solutions in order to continue the process of rapprochement of the countries of the Eastern Partnership to the EU . Given the current economic and political situation in the European Union, the real changes can be expected only through reform of existing initiatives – Eastern Partnership and the European Neighbourhood Policy.

Tema disertacije je analiza djelovanja putem pravnopolitičkih mehanizama međunarodne zajednice, a prvenstveno misleći Europske ekonomske zajednice (kasnije Europske unije) na sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije u vremenu od 1990. g., tj. od trenutaka prvih znakova početaka krize, pa sve do kraja oružanih sukoba/ratova 1995. g. i potpisivanja Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Upravo vrijeme prvih znakova krize i početaka prvih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije bilo je vrijeme kada je Europska ekonomska zajednica stvarala Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu politiku. Ujedno jugoslavenska kriza odvijala se paralelno s stvaranja nove ujedinjene Europe koja se našla pred izazovom dokazivanja uloge regionalnog i globalnog igrača u kreiranju svjetske politike, te u dokazivanju mogućnosti samostalnog rješavanja eventualnih sukoba na svom teritoriju bez upliva politike Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Jugoslavenska kriza reflektirana kasnije kroz oružane sukobe i ratove predstavlja je test institucionalnom sistemu dotadašnje i buduće ujedinjene Europe, te je ista bila indikator, smjernica institucijskom razvoju Europske ekonomske zajednice, a uslijed same činenice nemogućnosti implementacija usvojenih politika/odluka kojima bi rješila krizu i spriječila sukobe. Oružani sukobi/ratovi i sama kriza na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije s vremenom je bila u suprotnosti s duhom buduće ujedinjene Europe nakon pada Berlinskog zida, a nemogućnost uporabe rješenja za kraj krize, oružanih sukoba i postizanje mira povlačilo je za sobom i pitanje održivosti takve zajednice. Prekrajanje granica silom od strane lokalnih politika na području bivše Jugoslavije s ciljem osiguranja življenja jednog naroda u jednoj državi bili su u suprotnosti s načelom uti possidetis iuris i vladavinom prava na koje se u stvaranju suvremene Europe nakon II. Svjetskog rata ista pozivala. Upravo kroz navedeno načelo međunarodnog prava, Europska ekonomska zajednica, a i kasnije Europske unija, kao i svi ostali dionici međunarodne zajednice uključeni u sprječavanju sukoba i postizanje mira na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije svojim pravnopolitičkim mehanizmima navedeno načelo koje predstavljalo razloge/polazište svih oružanih sukoba na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije nisu znale i mogle zaštiti. Činjenica djelovanja međunarodne zajednice, prvenstveno Europske ekonomske zajednice/Europske unije u skladu s izvorima europskog i međunarodnog javnog prava, te koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme koji su upravo proizlazili iz navedenih izvora, a bez mogućnosti fizičke, stvarne primjene istih prema onima na koje se odnosilo, kao i neaktivnost u angažiranju od početaka sukoba od strane Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, stvarali su subjektivni dojam da ne postoji politička volja oko temeljnih pitanja ključnih za sprječavanje sukoba i postizanje mira, kao ni volja zaštite međunarodnog prava na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. Upravo željom za globalnom dominacijom u novom svjetskom poretku, kao i činjenica dokazivanja Europi da ne može samostalno upravljati i rješavati krize na svom području, Sjedinjene Američke Države preuzele su aktivnu ulogu u rješavanju krize koristeći pravnopolitičke mehanizme u skladu s odredbama međunarodnog javnog prava, čime su spriječile daljnje sukobe/ratove i postigle mir. Političkom reaktivacijom u odnosu na prostor bivše Jugoslavije, Sjedinjene Američke Države jasno su dokazale svoju političku dominaciju u rješavanju i "upravljanju krizom" na tlu Europe, a ujedno su očuvale svoj i kredibilitet NATO-a i same Europske unije. ; The topic of this dissertation is the analysis of acting through legal and political mechanisms of an international community, namely the actions the European Economic Community (later known as the European Union) had undertaken to prevent conflicts and achieve peace on the territory of the former Yugoslavia from 1990 and the first signs of a crisis up to the end of the armed conflicts/wars in 1995 and the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement. Just when the first signs of the crisis and the first armed conflicts began to appear in the former Yugoslavia, the European Economic Community created the Common Foreign and Security Policy. Also, the Yugoslav crisis took place in parallel with the creation of a new united Europe that faced the challenge of proving to be a regional and global force in the creation of the world policy, as well as proving its ability to independently resolve possible conflicts within its territory without interference from the policy of the United States. The Yugoslav crisis, later manifested in armed conflicts and wars, was a test of the institutional system of the former and future united Europe, a guideline for the institutional development of the European Economic Community, and an indicator of the inability to implement the adopted policies/decisions that would resolve the crisis and prevent conflicts. Armed conflicts/wars and the crisis in the former Yugoslavia were eventually contrary to the spirit of the future united Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the inability to find a solution to end the crisis and armed conflicts, as well as to achieve peace, raised the issue of sustainability of such a community. Redrawing the borders perforce by the local policies in the former Yugoslavia with the aim to ensure the settlement of one nation in one state was contrary to the principle of uti possidetis iuris and the rule of law relied upon by the modern Europe after World War II. The European Economic Community, and later the European Union, as well as all the other members of the international community engaged in conflict prevention and achieving peace in the former Yugoslavia, did not know how to use their legal and political mechanisms to protect the aforesaid principle which represented the reasons/starting point for all the armed conflicts in the former Yugoslavia. The action of the international community, primarily the European Economic Community/European Union in line with the sources of European and international public law, using the legal and political mechanisms stemming from the aforesaid sources, without the possibility of their actual implementation, as well as the USA's decision not to engage in the conflict from the beginning, created a subjective impression that there is no political will to tackle issues crucial for conflict prevention, achieving peace, and protecting international law in the former Yugoslavia. It was the desire for global domination in the new world order and the desire to show Europe the independence in managing and addressing the crises in its territory that enabled the USA to take an active role in addressing the crisis by using legal and political mechanisms in line with international public law provisions, which prevented further conflicts/wars and ensured peace. Political reactivation in the former Yugoslavia enabled the USA to clearly demonstrate its political domination in "crisis management" in Europe, whilst preserving its own credibility as well as the credibility of NATO and the European Union.