Suchergebnisse

U prilogu se objavljuju i u povijesno umjetnički kontekst stavljaju dva srebrna zidna svijećnjaka s poprsjima antičkih figura uokvirenih prepletima stiliziranog akantusovog lišća, a koji se čuvaju u franjevačkom su samostanu na Trsatu. Posljednji su put svijećnjaci snimljeni prilikom fotodokumentacijske kampanje Artura Schneidera tijekom četvrtog desetljeća 20. stoljeća, a 1974. godine su registrirani kao kulturno dobro u sklopu inventara franjevačkog samostana. Riječ je o vrijednom kompletu srebrnih zidnih svijećnjaka koje je 1693. godine trsatskom samostanu darovao car Svetog rimskog carstva njemačkoga naroda Leopold I. Habsburg (1658.-1705.). U radu se donose izvori kojima se potvrđuje naručitelj svijećnjaka te se analizira nastanak njihove specifične tipologije. Oni se prema načinu oblikovanja i ikonografskoj shemi, a putem sličnih komparativnih primjera, kao i grafičkih predložaka, smještaju u augsburški zlatarski krug. Teza se potvrđuje i zlatarskim žigom grada Augsburga te drugim utisnutim žigom koji upućuje na zlatara Antonija Grilla I., dokumentiranog u tom umjetničkom centru od 1668. do 1700. godine. ; The sanctuary of Our Lady of Trsat is a pilgrimage centre in the northern Adriatic visited for centuries by pilgrims and dignitaries, who brought various artefacts in fulfilment of their vows. Most of the oldest votive objects are today exhibited at the convent's treasury, but the two silver wall candelabra in question remain deposited in the convent's storage. They were first mentioned by Bishop Juraj Franjo Ksaver Marotti in 1710, who wrote that they had been donated to the convent in 1693 by the Emperor Leopold I (1658-1705). Petar Francetić and Klaro Pasconi corroborated this information, and late in the 19th century Julije Janković mentioned that they were standing on marble columns at the main church altar. In the early 20th century, the candelabra were briefly described by Riccardo Gigante, Gjuro Szabo, Apolinar Braničković, and Artur Schneider, but a scholarly study establishing the true value of these precious artefacts was still missing. The candelabra of Trsat used to hang on the wall like paintings, but today they are lacking the holders with candle plates. At their centre, formed of stylized fleshy acanthus leaves made of silver, there are shell-like cavities with applique silver busts of a Roman emperor and a young warrior wearing a helmet. The edge of the cavity under the busts is decorated with an embossed masqueron resembling a lion's head, placed between the curving volutes. By donating the candelabra to the Franciscans of Trsat, Emperor Leopold I. made a political gesture and also continued the tradition started by his predecessor Charles V (1519-1556), who had donated a golden pendulum in the shape of a two-headed eagle decorated with gems in 1536 as a symbol of Pietas Austriaca practiced by members of the Habsburg family from the first half of the 17th century onwards. Candelabra of this type were mostly produced for the private chambers or lavish salons of noble families and similar examples made of various materials are found in museum collections all over Germany and France. Even though the candelabra were intended for religious space, Emperor Leopold I was probably guided in their commission by the idea of expressing his power by iconographically relating himself to the mythology and history of ancient Rome. Thus, the figure of Emperor Augustus should most probably represent the emperor himself, while the young Roman warrior was to impersonate his son Joseph, who was to inherit the imperial throne. Hallmarks have been identified on the candelabra that had previously gone unnoticed and that positively relate them to a particular goldsmith's workshop in Augsburg. One of them has the form of a stylized pinecone, while the other shows a stork with a fish in its beak. This was the hallmark of Antoni Grill I, documented in Augsburg as a master from 1668 until his death in 1700. Even though he stemmed from a family of goldsmiths, whose members had been producing imaginative artefacts for European courts since the mid-16th century, his own identified works are preserved only in a few museums and private collections. Most of them are gilded silver plates with carefully elaborated compositions that reveal great skill in embossing motifs in various depths and their even distribution over the plate surface. The same feature is evident in the candelabra of Trsat. Grill's models possibly included drawings by graphic artists Jakob Wilhelm (Augsburg, documented since 1694-1738) and Leonhard Heckenauer (b. ca. 1655 in Augsburg, d. 1704 in Munich), who likewise belonged to the Augsburg circle of artists. Their maps contain several examples of wall candelabra, with complex compositions and a choice of decorative motifs that bear some similarities with the Trsat ones. Compared to other known examples, the candelabra of Trsat may be considered among the first cases of this typology in the goldsmith circle of Augsburg, and considering their provenance and the importance of their imperial donor, they are certainly special items in the rich heritage of artefacts made of precious metals preserved in the church treasuries of the eastern Adriatic.

Krajem listopada 1993. pripadnici Armije Bosne i Hercegovine i Ministarstva unutrašnjih poslova Bosne i Hercegovine realizirali su akciju "Trebević-2", koja je bila predstavljena kao konačni obračun s kriminalnim skupinama u muslimanskoj vojsci na području Sarajeva. Za razliku od proklamiranoga cilja, tu je akciju muslimanski politički i vojni vrh iskoristio za rješavanje zaoštrenih odnosa u vrhu Armije Bosne i Hercegovine. Ti narušeni odnosi eruptirali su u razdoblju nakon uspostave dužnosti zapovjednika Armije Bosne i Hercegovine kojom je degradiran načelnik Glavnoga štaba general Sefer Halilović. Usto je akcija "Trebević" poslužila i za skretanje odgovornosti muslimanskoga političkog i vojnog rukovodstva od ratnih zločina počinjenih u operaciji "Neretva 93", gdje su sudjelovale upravo jedinice Armije Bosne i Hercegovine iz Sarajeva protiv kojih je isplanirana i provedena navedena akcija. ; In October 1993, the Muslim political and military leadership, with the full support of the President of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegović, planned and implemented a military-police operation that was, officially, supposed to introduce order among the 'renegade' commanders of the 9th Motorised and 10th Mountain Brigades of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina (AB&H). However, a reconstruction of the events that led up to the initiation of the mentioned operation casts doubt on the official version of the events. Namely, the Muslim political and military leadership had been aware of certain inappropriate activities of some units under its command as early as the first half of 1993, but failed to take any concrete actions to sanction them. On the contrary, despite being clearly aware of these problematic activities, the leadership of the AB&H continued to use such units in combat. In September 1993, parts of these units were actively involved in the operation 'Neretva 93', during which war crimes were committed against Croatian civilians in the village of Grabovica on 8 and 9 September. After a meeting held on 4 October 1993, the Muslim leadership headed by Izetbegović reached a decision to deal with the problematic military commanders of the AB&H and a part of the units under their control. However, this process of facing the criminal activities performed by members of the AB&H concealed the real conflict, which was the conflict about who had supreme influence over the army and in politics, and was actually between Izetbegović and the leader of the AB&H Chief of the General Staff, Sefer Halilović. The successful results of operation 'Trebević 2' left Izetbegović without any serious challengers to his authority.

U članku se govori o utjecaju odluka Drugoga vatikanskoga koncila na djelovanje Katoličke crkve (Barske nadbiskupije i Kotorske biskupije) u Crnoj Gori. Ekumenizam, ili borba za ujedinjenje kršćanskih crkava, bio je jedan od glavnih zaključaka toga koncila. Ekumenska politika došla je do izražaja u drugoj polovini šezdesetih godina i imala je važnu ulogu u aktivnostima Katoličke crkve u Crnoj Gori. Na taj se način pokušala približiti Srpskoj pravoslavnoj crkvi, a zatim i Islamskoj zajednici i nametnuti im svoje stavove. To je dovelo do intenziviranja vjerskoga života, do novih odnosa između vjerskih zajednica i socijalističkoga režima i do promjena u međunacionalnim odnosima. Ta politika odrazila se i na unutrašnje odnose u Barskoj nadbiskupiji i Kotorskoj biskupiji. Članak je nastao na temelju prvorazrednih arhivskih izvora iz fonda Republičke komisije za vjerska pitanja Crne Gore. ; The ecumenical initiative of the Catholic Church was one of the main outcomes of the Second Vatican Council. Ecumenism aimed for the unification of Christian churches, partnership with other religious communities, and a conciliatory relationship with the socialist regime. In this period, the traditional tolerance between religious communities was practised and the Church established relatively good relations with the government of Montenegro. This is why the Catholic Church in Montenegro embraced ecumenism, which was expressed through the work of the Archdiocese of Bar and the Diocese of Kotor. The Archbishop of Bar, Aleksandar Tokić, and the Apostolic Administrator of the Diocese of Kotor, Gracija Ivanović, made a personal contribution to this initiative. They established close ties with the Orthodox Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral, Danilo Dajković, and the President of the Islamic Community (IC) in Montenegro, Šukrija Bakalović. They succeeded in engaging the Orthodox and Islamic leaders in Catholic religious celebrations, while the Catholic priests attended the religious celebrations of the Orthodox and the Muslims. The Montenegrin authorities had their representatives participate in these ceremonies too. This was all prompted by Catholic ecumenism, while the ecumenical strivings of the Catholic Church in Montenegro were also encouraged by the Vatican, i.e. the highest representatives of the Holy See and Pope Paul VI. The ecumenism of the Catholic Church in Montenegro had special features. It was of pro-Yugoslav orientation. It respected the religious, national, and traditional characteristics of Montenegro, and aimed for a partnership with the socialist regime. Archbishop Tokić and Administrator Ivanović also felt a strong attachment to Montenegro and Yugoslavia, and therefore cultivated a genuine friendship with the Orthodox and the Muslim population. Despite the sincere efforts and initial enthusiasm, their ecumenism failed because the Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) in Montenegro did not accept such politics of the Catholic Church. The SOC was willing to maintain good relations and promote the traditional inter-religious tolerance, but no more than that, because it thought that the Catholic Church's ecumenism was just a new attempt to impose its dominance. This ecumenism failed to achieve unity or the unification of Christians and churches, though it did succeed in strengthening and expanding interfaith cooperation and dialogue between Catholics and Orthodox Christians in Montenegro. Therefore, this policy can only be conditionally called 'ecumenical'. The Islamic Community accepted a call to strengthen inter-religious dialogue, but it also produced limited results. It was based solely on the contacts between the religious leaders.

Poljska javnost bila je zainteresirana za zbivanja među Južnim Slavenima. Nastanak Kraljevstva Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca poljski tisak tretirao je kao prirodno pravo malih naroda na samoodređenje. Sa simpatijama su promatrana nastojanja Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba. Nije to, naravno, bila tema prvih stranica novina budući da se u tom trenutku obnavljala i sama Poljska. No poljska je javnost bila upoznata s djelatnošću glavnih slovenskih, hrvatskih i srpskih političara, bili su joj poznati problemi njihove borbe s Talijanima oko granica, a izražavane su i bojazni o jedinstvu države katolika, pravoslavaca i muslimana. Nije favorizirana nijedna strana. Često su se koristili pojmovi Jugoslavija i Jugoslaveni, i to još i prije negoli je došlo do ujedinjenja Slovenaca, Hrvata i Srba. ; Public opinion in Poland was much interested in the developments concerning the South Slavs in the final phase of World War I. Poland was still partitioned at that time, so there was no Polish national press. However, Polish newspapers and periodicals published under Russian, German, and Austro-Hungarian administration, as well as those published in already independent Poland, welcomed the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as the realisation of the natural law of small nations to independence and thus cheered the efforts of the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs to build their own state. There were more absorbing issues at the time, with Poland herself in the dramatic process of reclaiming independent statehood, and there was no involvement with the South Slavs, so the topic did not make it to the front pages. Nevertheless, public opinion in Poland was well versed in the activity of leading Slovenian, Serbian, and Croatian politicians and the Italian challenge to the negotiation of the borders of the newly-established state. It was also aware of the state's religious heterogeneity—Catholics, Orthodox Christians, and Muslims—as a potential threat to national unity. No particular side was favoured. Even before the unification of the Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs in a common state, the nations of Southeastern Europe were often referred to as Yugoslavia and the people as Yugoslavs. Occasionally, news concerning the South Slavs were printed in bold to emphasise the topic's importance to Polish editors and readers.

Autor u kratkim crtama daje pregled razvitka umjetnosti medalje na području priobalne Hrvatske od 15. st. do druge austrijske dominacije. Materijal je grupi ran u sljedeće skupine: Istra, Mletačka Dalmacija, Dubrovnik, Napoleonovo doba, Prva austrijska vlast, svetačke medaljice. Sam katalog sadrži 52 komada medalja, poznatih bilo iz zbirki, bilo iz stručne literature. ; Among the older Istrian medals there is one of Francesco Biondi, a Florentine monk, bishop of Capodistria (Justinopolis, Kopar), made in 1448. Other Istrian medals of interest are a rough cast-bronze one from 1693, made for a corporate body for the distribution of hay in Pula and a small cast bronze medal, made in Rome on the occasion of the renewal of St. Euphemia's church in Rovinj in 1756. Of course, there is also a modest medal presented by the Poreč community to the last Venetian podesta in 1797. Speaking of Dalmatian medals, one ought to mention two of the great names of the Renaissance, who excelled in the art of the medal: Paolo de Ragusa and Francesco Laurana. Several famous Dalmatians who lived abroad in the 16th c. were depicted on medals: Jacobus Banisius, Francesco Niconizio and Antonio Veranzio. One of the earliest Dalmatian medals is the one made in 1600 for the Procuratori dell' Area di S. Simeone in Zadar. There is also a medal struck on the occasion of the liberation of Castelnuovo (Hercegnovi) in 1687. The Scuola Dalmata in Venice also hat its own small silver medals depicting S. George and S. Tripone. The numerous Dalmatian magistrates' medals from the 17th and 18th c. are usually of little artistic value, having been made by local gold or silversmiths, according to the wishes of the local nobility, who wanted to honour a departing provveditore generale or conte (various provveditori generali of Dalmatia and Albania, podesta of Poreč, counts of Korčula, Split, Šibenik and Zadar, provveditori of Imotski, Makarska and Sinj). Speaking about medals of the ancient Republic of Dubrovnik one ought to mention that only trace left there by Paolo de Ragusio are the delicate copper follari. Matteo de' Pasti made a medal of Timoteo Maffei, the archbishop of Ragusa. Three 16th c. Ragusan patricians: Giovanni Nale-Nalješković, Domenico Ragnina and Luca Cerva-Crijević were depicted on medals. A medal by St. Urbain was dedicated to Giorgio Baglivi, a Ragusan surgeon. The first medal was struck in Dubrovnik on the occasion of the reconstruction of St. Blaise's church in 1707. In 1771 the relics of St. Stephen King of Hungary were presented by the Ragusan Senate to Emperor Joseph Il. and Empress Maria Theresia; the event was marked by a medal. The other two remarkable medals of Dubrovnik were the one to commemorate the death of the rector Orsat Gozze Gučetić, 1798; Gioacchino Hamerani's 1803 Luigi Alvise Mozzi medal. Napoleon Bonaparte's Marshal Marmont dissolved the government of the reverend and feeble Republic of Ragusa on January 31. 1808. Napoleon's massive numismatic propaganda was very well organized. An entire team of artists worked for Napoleon in Paris, but there were also many medallists elsewhere producing medals, in order to celebrate his victories, thus for instance the 1806 medal commemorating the conquests of Dalmatia, of Istria, and of Illyricum. Several of the Dalmatian Napoleonic medals have not been attributed to any of the known medallists, thus for instance the rare Zaratine Lycaeum medal from 1809. A more rudely made medal was presented by the inhabitants of Sinj to Pierre Bouillerot, a French surgeon, in 1811 . During the first Austrian rule, in 1801 a decoration by I. N. Wirt was distributed, with the bust of Emperor Franc is II. on the obverse and the inscription DALMATAE BEN EMERENTI/ 1801 on the reverse . One of the earliest Austrian medals struck for Dalmatia was the Zara tine medal of 1804 by Luigi Ferrari, which commemorated the Dalmatian nobility paying respect to Emperor Franc is II. (1792- 1806-1 835), represented by Count Peter von Goess, Governor of Dalmatia between 1802 and 1805. One should not forget the most popular of all medals: the saints' medals and tokens, which were struck, cast or engraved in very large quantities and were cheap and therefore accessible to the masses of pilgrims. The most popular were those of Madonna of Trsat, made chiefly after 1715, when the Madonna was solemnly crowned .

Prije početka I. svjetskog rata u Bosni i Hercegovini izlazilo je 27 listova što vjerskog, što političkog, što prosvjetno-kulturnog karaktera. Osim 3 sarajevska dnevnika povezana s interesima austrougarske administracije, svi ostali bili su listovi pojedinih nacionalnih, odnosno vjerskih zajednica. Početkom I. svjetskog rata prestali su izlaziti srpsko-pravoslavni i muslimanski listovi dok su hrvatsko-katolički uglavnom nastavili izlaženje. Smrt cara i kralja Franje Josipa I. i stupanje na prijestolje Karla I. bio je glavni politički i društveni događaj 1916. godine te je kao takav i popraćen u ondašnjem hrvatsko-katoličkom tisku. Svi listovi, bilo ih je krajem 1916. godine 6, posvetili su dio prostora ovom događaju. Smrt cara i kralja Franje Josipa I. opisana je kao veliki gubitak za ovdašnje Hrvate katolike jer je pokojni vladar bio njihov zaštitnik, osloboditelj i onaj koji im je omogućio normalan život i razvoj. U njemu su gledali svojega hrvatskog kralja i kralja katolika. Novome kralju izražena je vjernost kao zakonitom nasljedniku ali i zbog zahvalnosti habsburškoj kruni za učinjeno u prošlosti. ; Before the First World War, 27 newspapers of a religious, political, educational and cultural character were edited and published in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Apart from three newspapers, published in Sarajevo, that specialized in Austro-Hungarian interests, all the other papers catered to individual national and religious communities. At the beginning of the First World War the Orthodox-Serb and Muslim newspapers stopped publication, while Croat-Catholic newspapers for the most part continued to publish. The death of Emperor Francis Joseph I and the accession to the throne of Karl I, was the main political and social event covered at the end of 1916, and as such was followed by CroatCatholic newspapers of the period. The death of Emperor Francis Joseph was viewed as a great loss for Croats and Catholics of the time, since the late ruler was seen as their protector and liberator, who had enabled normal life and development for them. They considered him as their Catholic and Croat king. Loyalty to the new emperor was renewed, as the legal successor and in gratitude to the Habsburg crown for what it had done in the past.

U članku su opisane ključne ranoislamske tradicije prema kojima se Jeruzalem smatra trećim po važnosti svetim gradom u islamu. Iz perspektive vjerskih, međuvjerskih, političkih i povijesnih okolnosti analiziran je njihov sadržaj te su razmotreni mogući razlozi za nastanak tih tradicija. Pozornost je posvećena tekstualnim i materijalnim vrelima, razini njihove autentičnosti, datiranju, te njihovu tumačenju od strane uglednih orijentalista i povjesničara umjetnosti. U članku su obrađene pojedinačne teme, kao što je Jeruzalem u islamskim kanonskim tekstovima, Muhamedovo noćno putovanje u el-Aksu, legende o Omarovu osvajanju Jeruzalema, imena Jeruzalema u djelima ranoislamskih ljetopisaca, uloga Židova i židovskih obraćenika u nastanku ranoislamskih tradicija te izgradnja, ukrasi, inskripcije i simbolika Kupole nad Stijenom. Autor u zaključku razmatra pitanje u kolikoj je mjeri religijsko čašćenje Jeruzalema u islamu povezano s autohtonim ranoislamskim vjerskim tradicijama, a u kojoj s ranom muslimansko-židovskom interakcijom te političkim procesima, od unutarislamskoga raskola u vrijeme prelaska rašidunske vlasti na umajadsku i Abdul-Malikova sukoba s hidžaskim kalifom el-Zubeirom, preko Križarskih ratova, do današnjega arapsko-izraelskog sukoba. ; The article describes major early Islamic traditions in which Jerusalem has been designated as the third holiest city in Islam. Their content has been analyzed based on the historical context and religious, inter-religious and political circumstances in which they were forged. Particular attention has been paid to textual and material sources, their authenticity, dating and their interpretation by prominent orientalists and art historians. The article addresses specific themes, such as Jerusalem in Islamic canonical texts, Muhammad's Night Journey to al-Aqṣā, the legends of Caliph 'Umar's conquest of Jerusalem, names for Jerusalem in Early Islamic chronicles, the influence of Jews and Jewish converts on early Islamic traditions, and the construction, symbolism, ornaments, and inscriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In the concluding remarks the author considers the question of to what degree attributing holiness to Jerusalem in Islam has been based on autochthonous early Islamic religious traditions, and to what degree on Muslim-Jewish interaction in Palestine, political processes, such as fitnah during early Umayyad rule, 'Abd al-Malik's struggle with Caliph Ibn al-Zubayr in the Hejaz, the Crusades, and the present-day Arab-Israeli conflict.

Danak u krvi uveo je sultan Murat II. godine 1420. Iako je taj danak u suprotnosti sa šerijatom, Osmanlije su svake pete godine odvodili kršćansku djecu u dobi od osam do deset, a pokatkad i do dvadeset godina. Tjelesno sposobniju djecu slali su na sultanov dvor, a ostalu turskim obiteljima u Anadoliju i Rumunjsku gdje su ih poučavali turskomu načinu života. Od djece dovedene dankom u krvi stvarane su janjičarske elitne vojne postrojbe. Janjičari su se nakon vojne službe mogli oženiti muslimankama i tako su njihovi potomci bili oslobođeni iste sudbine. Nakon pada Bosansko-humskoga Kraljevstva 1463. godine u janjičare i u hareme odvedeno je stotinu tisuća kršćanske djece. Kršćani su svojim dječacima odsijecali prste, učili ih da se pretvaraju gluhonijemima, tetovirali im križeve i na druge ih načine spašavali od odvođenja u janjičare. Međutim s Balkana je od XV. do kraja XVII. stoljeća u janjičare odvedeno dvije do tri stotine tisuća dječaka. Među tom djecom bio je i dječak koji je dobio ime Mehmed-paša Sokolović, koji je u Osmanskome Carstvu ostvario blistavu karijeru postavši velikim vezirom 1565. godine. Sjećajući se svoje majke koju je posljednji put vidio s mnogim drugim majkama kako su s druge strane Drine kroz plač i jecaje ispraćale svoju djecu u janjičare, Mehmed-paša Sokolović dao je na tome mjestu sagraditi most. ; Tribute in blood was introduced by Sultan Murat II. in 1420. Although the tribute was opposite to the Sharia, every five years the Ottomans took the Christian children aged eight to ten, and sometimes up to twenty years. Physically capable children were sent to the sultan's palace, while other children were sent to the Turkish families in Anatolia and Romania where they were trained by the Turkish way of life. Those children were used to create elite military units - the janissary. Janissaries could marry a Muslim after the military service so their descendants were exempted from the same fate. With the fall of the Bosnian-Hum kingdom, in 1463. one hundred thousand Christian children were taken away in Janissaries and harems. Christians would often cut off the finger to their boys, taught them to turn deaf-mute, tattooed the crosses on their body and in every way tried to save their own children so they wouldn't be taken away in the Janissaries. However, from the 15th century by the end of 17th century two hundred to three hundred thousand boys were taken away from Balkan to become the Janissaries. Among those children was a boy named Mehmed Pasha Sokolovic who made a brilliant career in the Ottoman Empire, becoming the Grand Vizier in 1565. Remembering his mother when he last saw her with many other mothers, who were on the other side of the Drina River crying and groaning because they were seeing off their children in the Janissaries, Mehmed-Pasha Sokolovic ordered to build the bridge on that place.

U radu autorica prati početak procesa izrastanja bosanskohercegovačke sociokulturne politike 60-ih i početkom 70-ih godina XX. stoljeća, čiji su inicijatori i protagonisti – političko rukovodstvo Bosne i Hercegovine i njemu bliska inteligencija – imali za cilj unutar idejno-političkih restrukturiranja koja su zahvatila Jugoslaviju u tom razdoblju i u kojem su republike, kao društveni i politički entiteti, zadobile puni legitimitet, političkom tijelu Bosne i Hercegovine, kao faktor njegove stabilnosti, osmisliti kulturni identitet. Fokus rada je na razvoju, idejnim metamorfozama i analizi diskursa kojim se nastoji utemeljiti zaseban jezični identitet bosanskohercegovačkoga društva i republike kao temelj njegova kulturnoga identiteta i emanacija njegove povijesne društvene osobitosti. Autorica u radu donosi prikaz povijesnoga konteksta iz kojega izrasta bosanskohercegovačka sociokulturna politika, tj. jezična politika kao njezin najvažniji segment, prikaz partijskih foruma te organizacijskih formi javnih rasprava preko kojih se utemeljuje, razvija i (pre)oblikuje idejni govor o bosanskohercegovačkoj društvenoj i kulturno-povijesnoj zasebnosti. ; In the 1960s, Bosnia and Herzegovina was a peripheral Yugoslav republic, lacking a distinctive cultural identity. In fact, advocates of Serbian-Croatian cultural unity perceived it as a mini Yugoslavia, the central part of the so-called Serbian-Croatian cultural space, in which the process of cultural rapprochement and integration of the Serbia and Croatian nations was to occur. The political leadership that came to power in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1960s wanted to change this ideological perception of their republic and establish its distinctive cultural identity as a support to its political identity and socio-political stability. Therefore, in the mentioned period, the cultural intelligentsia was encouraged towards a systematic, organised, and institutional production of discourse on the historical, cultural, literary, and linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the national identity of Muslims. All of this represents the inception of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian socio-cultural policy, whose important segment was literary-linguistic policy, initiated with the publication of the 'Declaration' and 'Suggestion', which intensified the Serbian-Croatian cultural dispute in Yugoslavia and highlighted the concept of national cultural unity. In this way, Bosnia and Herzegovina was threatened with destabilisation and social and cultural disintegration. Therefore, the republican leadership initiated the process of forming literary-linguistic principles, the most important of which was the existence of only one language in the Republic that was shared by all nationalities living inside its borders, and of standardising the Bosnian-Herzegovinian norm in public space. Public discussions about the linguistic identity of Bosnia and Herzegovina were organised (e.g. the 'Symposium on Linguistic Tolerance'), a language institute was established as an institutional starting point for the scientific grounding of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian standard language expression and a discourse about it was developed, the publication of orthography manuals was planned, etc. The dynamics of Bosnian-Herzegovinian linguistic policy followed the dynamics of the Croatian linguistic and cultural separation. After the end of the Croatian Spring, a certain impasse regarding the realisation of this policy ensued, partially due to the repositioning of the power relations of the conceptual forces, thanks to which the linguistic centralists who advocated Serbian-Croatian unity regained their influence. The Council of Mostar, which was organised with the goal of evaluating the achieved results, pointed to the fact that, in the 1967–1973 period, the linguistic policy of the Bosnian-Herzegovinian leadership had had a very weak impact on the socio-political reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as on the creation of a separate cultural identity of the central Yugoslav republic.

"Kristalna noć" najčešće se povezuje s nacističkim uništavanjem židovske imovine 1938., ali u kontekstu rata u Hrvatskoj neki taj pojam koriste i za uništavanje srpske imovine u Zadru i njegovoj okolici 2. svibnja 1991. Dok se u većini hrvatske javnosti taj događaj ignorira, dio javnosti interpretira ga kao početak progona srpskoga stanovništva u organizaciji Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, zadarskih općinskih vlasti te hrvatske policije. Takav stav uglavnom je posljedica medijskih manipulacija i nema uporište u činjenicama. Premda se dio povjesničara u svojim znanstvenim radovima dotaknuo zbivanja u Zadru početkom svibnja 1991., zadarska "kristalna noć" uglavnom je ostala historiografski neistražena. Rad se temelji na neobjavljenim arhivskim izvorima Ministarstva unutarnjih poslova Republike Hrvatske, Jugoslavenske narodne armije, tisku i relevantnoj literaturi. ; On 2 May 1991, Serbian property in Zadar and its surrounding area came under attack. The attacks took place after months of tensions between Croats and Serbs, and later became known as the 'Night of Broken Glass'. These tensions were the direct consequence of the Serbian armed rebellion that erupted in northern Dalmatia, Lika, and the hinterland of Zadar in August 1991. The public security system that met the rebellion was created in January 1990, when the Secretariat of the Interior for the area of the Benkovac, Biograd na Moru, Obrovac, Pag, and Zadar municipalities was established in Zadar. In this area, Croats were an absolute majority in the Biograd na Moru and Zadar municipalities, and the Serbs in the Benkovac and Obrovac municipalities. The rebellion prompted divisions not only among the population, but also among the police. By January 1991, most policemen of Serbian nationality had left the Zadar police force and joined the rebels. Despite being weakened in terms of manpower, the Zadar police for the most part managed to successfully preserve public safety. The security situation worsened after a skirmish between Croatian police and rebel Serbs at the Plitvice Lakes on 31 March 1991. A significant increase in shootings, setting of bombs, road blockades, and other forms of criminal activity, mostly nationally motivated, was recorded. In addition to the rebel Serbs, the instability was caused by the Yugoslav People's Army (YPA), which deployed its forces in Zadar's hinterland in early April 1991, causing alarm among the Croatian population. This deployment was part of a broader plan through which the YPA sought to set up a 'buffer zone' in order to close off the areas held by rebel Serbs and prevent the Croatian police from interfering. On 2 May 1991, the security situation throughout Croatia, and therefore in the area under the jurisdiction of the Zadar police, collapsed. Serb rebels killed 12 Croatian policemen in Borovo Selo near Vukovar, and severely wounded Zadar policeman Franko Lisica in Polača near Biograd na Moru; he soon died of his wounds. Despite the Croatian authorities' calls for peace, spontaneous unrest erupted throughout Croatia, and Serbian property and companies were attacked. Furthermore, there were incidents involving the YPA. The mood of the Croatian population in Zadar after the murder of the policeman Lisica was similar to that in other parts of Croatia. Despite the municipal authorities' calls for peace and their organising of a peaceful protest march, various uncoordinated groups demolished and plundered Serbian property on 2 May. The Zadar police failed to stop them because most of the policemen were engaged in the area affected by the Serb rebellion, while others were busy protecting the residential buildings in Zadar in which members of the YPA and their families resided. Soon, due to a feeling of insecurity, a mass exodus of Serbs from Zadar took place; these Serbs took refuge in the areas occupied by the rebels. Apart from the Zadar Serbs, Croats in the areas held by Serb rebels also began to leave their homes in early May 1991. On 1 May 1991, rebel Serbs drove many Croats from the areas around Knin. On the night of 6 to 7 May, as an act of revenge for the events in Zadar, the property of Croats, Albanians, and Croatian companies was attacked and plundered. Different sources give different data regarding the extent of the damage caused to Serbian property. Criminal charges raised by the Croatian police against unknown perpetrators on 2 May 1991 mention that 175 catering establishments, commercial premises, stands, kiosks, and automobiles were damaged. Apart from the property of Serbs, property belonging to Croats, Muslims, Roma, and Croatian companies was also damaged. There are numerous prejudices and controversies regarding the 'Night of Broken Glass', which mostly ignore the then security-political context. Certainly, there were those among the Croats who did not consider the attacks on Serbian property and their exodus from Zadar as anything controversial, but available sources clearly point towards the conclusion that the destruction of Serbian property was not organised and was not a part of the policy of the Croatian leadership.

Autor u radu donosi prikaz dviju vladarskih crkava iz IX. st. slična ustroja s westwerkom. Uz obje crkve pronađeni su ulomci kamene plastike s dedikacijskim natpisom, od kojih jedan spominje župana a drugi kraljicu. Na Klisu je pronađena ploča s reljefom na temu Majestas Domini. Obje crkve spadaju u privatne crkve, tzv. eigenkirche, što upućuje na novi način franačke organizacije teritorija s utvrđivanjem feudalnog posjeda (Ordensburgen). ; The remains of churches that have been found and are discussed in the text can reliably be ascribed to the chapel of the long-sought Trpimir residence at Klis and the pre-Romanesque stratum of the church dedicated to the BVM at the cemetery of the village of Blizna Gornja in the Trogir hinterland. The find of sculpture and texts written on the altar screens show that in both cases these were churches of members of the medieval ruling elite: the church in Blizna Gornja can be connected with the župan of the županija of Drid, and the chapel in Klis directly with the ruler of Croatia. The existence of a medieval church at Klis is strongly supported by investigations of the walls, which showed that a large number of marble fragments of ecclesiastical stone architectural decoration from the 9th to the 12th century were incorporated into the building of the mosque. Among the fragments there are pilasters, plutei and the trabeation of an altar screen from the early Middle Ages, while the whole of the medieval material is built into the walls of the mosque above its floor level. In the western wall four marble fragments of architraves of an altar screen with parts of an inscription were found, one fragment of a marble architrave of a pluteus and a pilaster with the base of a pillar of the screen. All the fragments of this carving were made of Proconesian marble and were incorporated in such a way that the decorations and inscriptions were not to be seen. The fragments belonged to the septum and contain typical pre-Romanesque interlacing motifs, pretzels, and the parts of an inscription are carved on a ribbon of the trabeation of the altar screen below the characteristic hook decoration. Fragments of the trabeation contain parts of an inscription about a ruler that mentions the royal family, and on an architrave of the altar screen of the church in Klis that has been found, for the first time the title of queen is mentioned. The parts of the altar screen found with interlacing ornamentation of the 9th century belong to a pilaster with interlacing and an architrave of the pluteus with interlacing ornamentation and four fragments of the architrave of the altar screen with parts of a royal inscription. The fragments contain wording with the royal formula: ORUM FILIU(S)., MEA DOM(N)A S(C)LAVA REGINA. Although these are detached pieces, it is very clear that they are part of a single inscription in which the wife of the ruler or king is mentioned. It is clear in this part of the text that the wife of the ruler is called regina, from which it can be concluded that her husband, the subject of the inscription, is a ruler who bears the title of rex. It is important to point out also that she is addressed as domna, and that analogously to this her husband must have been addressed as dominus. From these titles, the votive inscription of the church in Klis might have belonged to a ruler of the middle of the 9th century, probably to Trpimir himself, the only ruler of that time who is mentioned together with the title of king, probably attained through victory in the war with the nation of the Greeks, as reported by the Saxon Gottschalk. And the fragment of the first part of the inscription contained this very title of the ruler (REX SCLAV)ORUM FILIU(S). This would be supported by the inscription in the Cividale Gospel, where Trpimir is signed as »domno Trepimiro«, and the title of his wife really could have been DOMNA SCLAVA REGINA, as this is read from the wording on the architrave of the altar screen. As well as the described parts of the septum, during works on the renovation of the Church of St Vitus a slab with a relief was found built flat as a building stone in the annular wall of the tambour. This fragment of early medieval figural sculpture of Proconesian marble shows Christ in Glory. Preserved from the composition featuring the topic Majestas Domini in the Klis relief is the central figure of Christ in a mandorla and an angel on his right hand side. Christ is shown down to the waist, his right hand raised in blessing, while in the left hand he holds a scroll with the Gospels. The relief from the Klis Church of St Vitus, though modest in its dimensions, might have belonged to the lintel of a portal of an early medieval church, although according to the mortise on the upper part it could equally well be supposed to have been a fragment of some stone furnishing that consisted of pillars and beams. The visual treatment of the relief of the linearly grooved surfaces that suggest folds of clothing, the manner of treatment of the figures with single incision of the features with expressive underlined eyes, the hatched curls of the hair and the particularly characteristic handling of the nose reveal the hand of the skilled mason who made the relief. As for the origin of the relief of the church in Klis, the finding of the medieval royal church in the foundations of the Church of St Vitus and the confirmation of the existence of a fortified royal court at the site of Klis Fort are sufficient warrant that it originally came from Klis. From this it could well be hypothesised that the relief of Christ from the church in Klis belongs to a separate sculptural unit, directly related to this site. Extensive archaeological and conservation-restoration excavations in 1999-2000 preceded the thoroughgoing renovation of the Church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja. Against expectations, the pre-Romanesque architecture of a ruler from the 9th century was found in them, belonging through their form among the few specimens of pre-Romanesque churches with external buttresses of semicircular cross-section. Like similar examples, the Church of St Saviour at the source of the Cetina and the church at Lopuška glava, Biskupija, by Knin, the Church of St Mary in Blizna had a forecourt in front of the main elevation. An external staircase led to the first floor, over which there was probably a tower, as in examples of similar churches with a westwork. In the forecourt of the church the lid of a Roman period sarcophagus used as a gravestone was found. The find of the sarcophagus lid and many fragments of stone sculptural decoration of the 9th century in marble and limestone show that the Church of St Mary was richly endowed and equipped. One of the fragments contains the name and title of the donor: .ANVSIV[panv]S, for which reason it is assumed to have belonged to an altar screen put up by a Croatian magnate, mostly likely a župan. Numerous fragments of trabeation have been found, the beams of which were marble, while the arched tegurium was made of limestone. Fragments of marble plutei and pilasters of the altar screen, as well as pillars with capitals found around the church belong in their form to the sculptural art of the 9th century. Fragments found are enough for the reconstruction of the original appearance of the screen and for an understanding of the inscriptions in the field of the lower part of the gable and the architraves. The inscription is a typical intercession, in which the prayer is addressed to Our Lady and to St John the Baptist, asking for their intercession with Christ, for the salvation of his soul, and the following reading can be proposed: .[pe]R I[nte]RCOESSIONEM BEATE ET GLORIO[se matri]S D[e]I GE[netricis apud Christum satvatOREm SCTAe Mariae] ET BEATI IO[hannis Baptistae] OP[vs] E[dificavit] pro animae suae[reme]DIO V[otum complevit Prod]ANVS IV[ppanu]S. According to the inscription on the septum the church would have been dedicated to St Mary like many of the churches of that time in the early of medieval Croatia, in Golubić, Ostrovica, Biskupija, Gradec, Pađeni and Lepuri. But the inscription relates it in a particular way via the intercession of Mary and John to Christ, to whom the intercession is addressed. The permeation of the contents by the theme of the Madonna's intercession (i.e. the Deisis), typically Byzantine iconography on the one hand and the Sanctus written in the spirit of the revived Roman liturgy on the screens of churches in Trogir as well as the churches of the Croatian župans in the hinterland and on the islands suggest something of their specific political position in the second half of the 9th century at the border between the tradition of the East and the new influences coming from the West. The question arises as to who the donor of the church of St Mary in Blizna Gornja was. Only the ending of the name and the beginning of the title in the letters IV[ppanu]S are in existence. From this it can be assumed that the church was put up by a župan, and his name, which ends with the letters.ANUS, might be Stephanus or, more likely, it was part of some Croatian name that is borne in the documents by the župans, like Branus or Prodanus. According to the results of the most recent research, St Mar in Blizna is a votive church of a Croatian magnate put up in the middle of the 9th century on the remains of an ancient villa that was part of his estate. Analysis of the architecture confirms this. The oldest archaeological stratum found at the site is the remainder of a wall of the later Roman period, probably from the 6th century, in front of the forecourt of the church. This stratum is insufficiently investigated, but it belonged to a building of much greater size than the pre-Romanesque Church of St Mary. The early medieval stratum, of the 9th century, lays claim to the foundations of the church, of a simple rectangular ground plan with semicircular buttresses, and the shallowly founded apse on the bedrock might be a building of later time. A very good state of preservation is exhibited by the walls of the pre-Romanesque building that bound the ground plan, the beginning of the staircase of the atrium, its western and southern doors, while in the interior of the atrium, in front of the façade of the church, a cylindrical sarcophagus lid has been found. The two-storey court, the chapel of the pre-Romanesque church and its undoubtedly funerary purpose in the ground floor part are known in the literature as westwork, and their finding at the site of Blizna Gornja suggests there was a very strong influence from the Carolingian court on the Croatian ruling and aristocratic stratum of the 9th century, to which, along with the actual rulers, it was primarily the župans that belonged. The Church of St Mary on the current graveyard of the village of Blizna Gornja was, then, the church of a magnate, who in his name has the ending anus, most probably Prodan (Prodanus?) or Bran (Branus?) rather than Stjepan (Stephanus), a župan of the županija of Drid of the middle of the 9th century, for at that time along with the titular functions of the Croatian župans their Slavic names were regularly given. This is a typical example of a private church (Eigenkirche), a new legal institution of the Frankish type, put up on the foundations of a renovated Roman period villa, the feudal property of the lord, who used it for ceremonial purposes, as well as a private funeral chapel for him and the members of his immediate family, and hence it was forbidden to bury members of the community at large in its vicinity. Among the process that took hold of Europe in the post-Carolingian period an important place is occupied by the construction of fortified manors, which from the 9th to the 12th century totally changed the image of early medieval Europe. The Croatian ruler, who was at first directly subject to Aquileia, the Frankish ecclesiastical centre in Friuli, must have been directly impressed by the construction of the fortified estates of the marquisate of Friuli, for it was from here that Frankish missionaries arrived in Croatia. Its connection with Frankish church centre even after the abolition of the marquisate in 828 is shown by the pilgrimages of Croatian dukes and their families to the Benedictine monastery of Cividale during the whole of the 8th century. Einhard's Annales mentioned Borna's forts in Dalmatia, into which the duke retreated before the attack of Ljudevit Posavski. Trpimir's royal residence is mentioned in a deed of gift of his of 852. There is an obvious difference in the name of the ruler's residence of Trpimir's time, as mentioned in two texts: one mentions villa nostra, the other curte nostra. The mentioned curtis in the document is called Clusa, which implies the name of the fortress of Klis, which for the whole of its history was in strategic control of the approach to the sea, to ancient Salona and the city of Split. Unlike Klis, which is called a curtis, the name of the villa from the Gottschalk text is not recorded, and it might be to do with some residential complex in the Salona area, or perhaps some place very close to Klis, such as Rižnice, in which Trpimir, wishing to make contrition for his sins, built a monastery and church after the war, at the time of the normalisation of relations with the Romans. The fact is that the concepts of villa and curtis appear at the same time in the mid-9th century in the context of the formation of feuds and manors, although there may be some fundamental difference concealed in them. One and the other may be related to the ruler's residence. The concept of curtis in this sense can be found afterwards, among many examples of the 11th century, when the king's curtis of Rogovi on the lower slopes of the hill by Biograd, or the curtes of the imperial protospatar and ban Stjepan Uitula, Nova sella and Butina ues, as well as many others related to the names of their owners, like that of Vlkomir and Preda in Žrnovnica or Tješen on Brač. Still, in the light of the new research, the curte nostra, quae Clusan dicitur mentioned in Trpimir's deed of gift should be looked at in a completely different context, not only as an estate but also as the residential complex of a feudal ruler.