Suchergebnisse

The concept of democracy in Indonesia actually has already exists at the grassroots level, which is in the village, and thus, to create democracy should be from the bottom. At this level, we would know how to create, strengthening, and consolidating democracy in regional even in national level. Hence, the core institution for democratization is the Village at the grassroots level. This case study research conducted in Sunyalangu Village, Central Java, Indonesia that is include to a poor village in Banyumas region and thus, it become a marginal village. I examine their political cultures on national general elections from 1971 to 2004 and the relationships between village's executive and legislative roles on the lowest level of democratization. This focus shows how empirical democracy created. The result of this research shows that their political cultures is inconsistence in elects their political parties and representatives because of personal needs and their moral economy to the political party. Moreover, the village government (local executive) is still dominates the relationship with local parliament (BPD) because of the institutional and geographical constraints at the grassroots level. The implication of this situation is to re-think the concept of democracy in grassroots level by creating the democracy culture.

This paper explains the conspiracy and involvement boss mine (coal) in several provincial elections (regents and governors) in South Kalimantan. As is known, the political landscape of post Soeharto New Order government that gave birth to democracy and radical change in the institutions of power, namely from the centralized power-authoritarian system to a democratic system of government has spawned a democratic transition which was prolonged until today. In the midst of a prolonged transition to democracy at this time, the arena of democracy has been hijacked and the stage of political and economic power has been controlled by entrepreneurs or local and national capitalist power by doing pesekongkolan between candidates authorities or local authorities that one of them through the local election process. The businessmen are involved as a supplier of funds to the local authorities candidate to win as a form of money politics and transactional politics. In some cases the local elections in South Kalimantan, such as the election of the regent and the governor, political practice is utilized with clarity and has already become a political culture that is structured within massive post-New Order government. Therefore, democracy is being woken up in Indonesia after the New Order.

Indonesia's mutual cooperation culture through active community participation in village development. However, the role of these positive values in society is fading and giving rise to pseudo-culture. The culture of mutual cooperation in the life of social communities in rural areas has experienced a decline values in the cultural caused by the existence of a dominant political attitude by the leadership of power in the countryside resulting in a decrease in community trust in the management of rural development. Political risks in the management of village finance is a threat in the cultural values of the community cooperation become pseudo

This study aims to determine and explore how Islam and Malay as an intertwined entity influence the formation of political institutions in the Sultanate of Palembang, especially influencing the appointment and succession of the Sultan. This study is the result of qualitative research based on a literature review using interpretive analysis techniques. In the practice of Islam in Indonesia, cultural values of non-Islamic religions are maintained and practiced by Islamic entities such as practices in the replacement of the King and Sultan. A theoretical approach to society by looking at the evolution of kings approached to explain the history of state administration and the transition of power, combined with Elite; Political Culture, and Cultural Politics. The results of this study found that the system of appointment and change of power in the Sultanate of Palembang, namely the existence of its characteristics associated with a blend of Malay and Javanese culture. Differences in political culture greatly influence the process of succession that occurs. Malay culture which emphasizes more on its economy in the maritime field and Arabic symbols will be different from Javanese culture which is more agrarian and syncretic. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan mengeksplorasi bagaimana Islam dan Melayu sebagai entitas yang saling terkait mempengaruhi pembentukan lembaga-lembaga politik di Kesultanan Palembang, terutama yang mempengaruhi pengangkatan dan suksesi Sultan. Penelitian ini adalah hasil penelitian kualitatif berdasarkan tinjauan literatur menggunakan teknik analisis interpretatif. Dalam praktik Islam di Indonesia, nilai-nilai budaya agama-agama non-Islam dipertahankan dan dipraktikkan oleh entitas Islam seperti praktik-praktik pergantian Raja dan Sultan. Melalui pendekatan teoretis tentang masyarakat sosial dengan melihat evolusi raja-raja yang dijadikan pendekatan untuk menjelaskan sejarah ketatanegaraan dan peralihan kekuasaan, dipadukan dengan Elite; Political Culture, dan Cultural Politics. Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sistem pengangkatan dan pergantian kekuasaan di Kesultanan Palembang, yaitu adanya karakteristik yang terkait dengan perpaduan budaya Melayu dan Jawa. Perbedaan budaya politik sangat mempengaruhi proses suksesi yang terjadi. Budaya Melayu yang lebih menekankan pada perekonomian di bidang maritim dan simbol-simbol Arab akan berbeda dengan budaya Jawa yang lebih agraris dan sinkretis.

Political culture, is part of the culture of the society with the characteristics of a more typical. The term includes the issue of legitimacy of political culture, power regulation, government policy-making process, the activities of political parties, the behavior of the state apparatus, and the turmoil of society against the power to rule. Political activity is also entering the world of religious, economic and social activities, personal and social life at large. Thus, political culture directly affects the political life and national decisions regarding the allocation pattern of public resources. No exception to the institution called the pesantren. Political culture in schools to some extent affect the practical political life in the boarding area itself. Pesantren and political parties actually two entities are quite far apart. Pesantren is more synonymous with education which is in contact with science and morality, while the political parties more closely on joint efforts to achieve, maintain, and seize power. Pesantren in daily life is busy with the book review that discusses the views of scholars of classical and modern about the various disciplines of Islamic religion, while political parties busy with preparing the party platform with all the strategies and political tactics to gain power for the sake of advancing the nation and state and the welfare of the people

Democracy in Indonesia have exams with the emergence of the phenomenon of political dynasty. The phenomenon of dynastic politics due to five things: first, the impact of the electoral system and the competition the more liberal. Second, the portrait of the failure of political parties in binding constituents . Third, the lack of regeneration system and internal patterns of rekuitmen in political parties, especially the mechanism in the determination of candidates. Fourth, that too much traction power elites of political parties, especially the elite at central level. Fifth, the strengthening of political pragmatism and the decline of militancy cadre which causes the machine party organizations can not be optimal, and may encourage the proliferation of money politics and political dynasties. Atut Chosiyyah dynastic political system is legitimized through the local elections and parochial political culture Banten people. Several factors are melatarbelakngi birth of prejudice in the election in Banten namely the lack of political education by the organizers of the election, the election supervisor, prospective head region and educational institutions. And parochial political culture inherited money continuously to voters who incidentally have limited knowledge and political awareness. Atut Chosiyyah family group has a network of warlords, clerics and political participants widely to remote allows campaign props scattered in almost every point in Banten. the amount and intensity of Banten people see props build closeness and sympathy of the public.Keywords: Political dynastiy, political culture money

This paper explain the conspiracy and involvement boss mine (coal) in several provincial elections (regents and governors) in South Kalimantan. As is known, the political landscape of post Soeharto New Order government that gave birth to democracy and radical change in the institutions of power, namely from the centralized power-authoritarian system to a democratic system of government has spawned a democratic transition prolonged until today. In the midst of a prolonged transition to democracy at this time, the arena of democracy has been hijacked and the stage of political and economic power has been controlled by entrepreneurs or local and national capitalist power by doing pesekongkolan between candidates authorities or local authorities that one of them through the local election process. The businessmen are involved as a supplier of funds to the local authorities candidat candidate to win as a form of money politics and transactional politics. In some cases the local elections in South Kalimantan, such as the election of the regent and the governor, political practice as it was very clear and has already become a political culture that is structured and massive post-New Order government.

Abstract: Through political education of women are expected to know and understand the rights and obligations as citizens, so that women have a significant role in developing democracy and intelligent in determining political attitudes. It is time women are placed as the subject in the political arena, not solely as a political object, which appears to be merely exploit them for elite interests or political party. Conditions, due to a lack of political education for women. For that a good political education, are expected to materialize the political role of women in the life of society, nation and the state towards the realization of a democratic civil society and justice. Thus the urge strengthening women's political rights should be increased primarily through the regulation / legislation in favor of women. Empowerment of women in various aspects of social life and civic culture, very urgent to increase women's political role.

Although trauma and public skepticism toward the military is still quite strong; though the sins of the military during the New Order freely beragai stripped naked in public space during the reform. In fact, military figures rose even more flying in many national level either party until the local level, both old and new parties. To face the new system of political contestation and the military is benefiting from a weakening factor of the consolidation of civilian political forces. Political parties and civic leaders increasingly anti Orba number berjibun be a dilemma. Elections are approaching need fresh energy to be the winner while they are still haunted by the various limitations of the cadre of crisis, financial crisis and the crisis of political networks. To rise, the former general has a genetic modalities required political parties and civic leaders that organizational discipline, a network of territorial and political violence. Political modalities of military culture is that interest civilian politicians because it can be replicated in consolidating the power of the party, although very risky memangun consolidation of democracy in Indonesia in the future. The choices here are to be assessed for reading the direction of the democratization of Indonesia.

This research seeks to know the perception of the five political parties (PKB, Golkar, PKS, PPP, and PDI) in the implementing legislation concerning women's representation in political parties and the electoral period 2009-2014, and the constraints faced by women in fulfilling the quota of 30%. With kualitatif.Dapat research methodology concluded that the representation of women in the 2009 legislative election in Tasikmalaya Regency is still very low at only 14% of the normative provisions of 30%. The five parties that became the sampling study, admitted that he had to do the functions of political parties, it's just cultural factors and conventional views of Islam considers women's entrance into the political sphere is something that is taboo. Although the view of Islam in the political sphere think of women as well as lacquers are the same men made no difference in the eyes of God. Representation of women in politics, especially in the legislature should be used as an evaluation, whether the low representation of women in Tasikmalaya Regency is 14% influenced by the electoral system, the internal political party or political and religious culture that has been entrenched in society. Party according to its function should provide a more mature political education to the cadre of women for the women to be better prepared to compete with men - men in the arena of politics, and make more qualified cadre of women in politics so that gender equality can be realized and the representation of women can be fulfilled for the benefit and well being nation.

This study aims to explain how the psychological process affects perceived organizational politics (POP) toward organizational citizenship behaviour (OCB). The paradoxical effect of POP to OCB needs to be explained through two psychological processes: First, the mediation effect of psychological safety which explains POP as a barrier to OCB. Second, the mediation effect of careerism which explains POP as an OCB driver. One of the government institutions in Malang District used as research objects, involving 97 employees as respondents. A quantitative approach using Partial Least Square (PLS) used as the method of this study. The results showed careerism mediated the relationship between POP and OCB. But the surprising result is that psychological safety cannot mediate the effect of POP to OCB because employees feel that there is no high threat of doing voice behaviour, helping behaviour and individual initiatives in the political environment. These results indicate that OCB is a safe activity when it does not contrary to other people's self-interest, so it does not cause a conflict.

ABSTRACT The national movement of the mental revolution proclaimed by Jokowi is a very appropriate bureaucratic reform policy. However, this mental revolution will certainly face a very tough challenge because the priyayi mentality has been a bureaucratic culture in Indonesia for a long time. The greatest challenge will come from internal bureaucracy itself because the mental revolution will surely disturb the comfort zone of many priyayi officials and bureaucratic apparatus. Therefore, reform or mental change is not possible in a short time or in a revolution, but needs to be planned, programmed, staged, continuous, consistent, and consistent. To realize the mental revolution, commitment and political will is not enough, but must be followed by political action in the form of exemplary leaders, assertiveness and courage of leaders, programs of mental revolution, and law enforcement that is not indiscriminate. The condition is of course very apprehensive to all parties. Therefore, while attending the 43rd Korpri Anniversary ceremony at Silang Monas Jakarta on December 1, 2014, President Jokowi launched the National Movement of the Mental Revolution which included three targets: 1. The change of mindset and paradigm of the government apparatus from the priyayi bureaucracy to the bureaucracy serving the people. 2. The organizational structure of the government should be lean, efficient, and not duplication of functions. 3. Cultural changes in the form of a work culture that is more disciplined, responsible, and put forward togetherness and mutual cooperation. Bureaucratic reforms that have been done are still pseudo that is limited to face and skin changes bureaucracy but has not touched its contents that is change mindset, paradigm, moral, and mental human being bureaucratic apparatus. As a result, bureaucratic reforms have only produced bureaucracies with new faces and modern skins but whose contents are the traditional, patrimonialistic and feudal mentality. Officials and bureaucratic apparatus in today's reform era still position themselves as prijaji who prioritizes power and demands respect and service of the people.

The power of movies are believed to be able to change the perception of international public towards particular country. Movies then became a popular thing as part of a country's cultural diplomacy because of its huge influence nowadays. A number of countries put movies as part of their cultural diplomacy. Likewise with Europe, which began to use Europe on Screen (EoS) as part of its cultural diplomacy. However, the debate about cultural diplomacy appears to be related to the objectives of cultural diplomacy itself. Some academicians believe that diplomacy is always related to the political goals of the state, while others believe that cultural diplomacy must be distinguished from other diplomatic activities because the aim is merely to foster mutual understanding and harmony through the introduction of culture. This article was written to understand the concept of cultural diplomacy and to know whether a movie can be part of cultural diplomacy, especially activities organized by Europe on Screen. This article will be presented by tracing back what is meant by cultural diplomacy and how the practice of cultural diplomacy through movies by a number of countries. By referring to the conception of cultural diplomacy and the practice of using movies by a number of countries, this article puts Europe on Screen as part of cultural diplomacy not because of the movies itself but from the overall project activities of the EoS. ; The power of movies are believed to be able to change the perception of international public towards particular country. Movies then became a popular thing as part of a country's cultural diplomacy because of its huge influence nowadays. A number of countries put movies as part of their cultural diplomacy. Likewise with Europe, which began to use Europe on Screen (EoS) as part of its cultural diplomacy. However, the debate about cultural diplomacy appears to be related to the objectives of cultural diplomacy itself. Some academicians believe that diplomacy is always related to the political goals of the state, while others believe that cultural diplomacy must be distinguished from other diplomatic activities because the aim is merely to foster mutual understanding and harmony through the introduction of culture. This article was written to understand the concept of cultural diplomacy and to know whether a movie can be part of cultural diplomacy, especially activities organized by Europe on Screen. This article will be presented by tracing back what is meant by cultural diplomacy and how the practice of cultural diplomacy through movies by a number of countries. By referring to the conception of cultural diplomacy and the practice of using movies by a number of countries, this article puts Europe on Screen as part of cultural diplomacy not because of the movies itself but from the overall project activities of the EoS.

In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.

This research aims to examine primordialism and voting behavior of Malay ethnic during the 2005-2015 Riau Islands governor election (Pemilihan Gubernur or Pilgub). The political phenomenon in Riau Islands seems to be different from other areas where other Malays dominate since non-Malay ethnic candidates won the governor election. This research used a qualitative method with a descriptive technique. The data were collected using in-depth interviews and direct observation. Informants were selected using a purposive sampling technique. The result found that people of Malay ethnic are open-minded. The candidates elected also can prove qualified personal and successfully leading the Malay ethnic people in moving ahead. Non-Malay ethnic won the Riau Islands (known as Kepri (Kepulauan Riau)) governor election determined by 1) The political identity of Malay ethnic people is open-minded, coexisting Islamic identity, speaking Malay language, practicing Malay culture, and committing to build and develop Malay ethnic people, so the candidates identified as part of Malay ethnic people and considered by the Malay ethnic people as a candidate for leader of the Malay people in a broadening sense; 2) the figure of candidates can socialize with people of Malay ethnic; 3) other minority ethnics and political parties supported the candidates. Native Malay candidates were failed due to the lack of contribution to the people of Malay ethnic in particular and the Riau Islands in general. ; Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui primordialisme dan perilaku memilih etnis Melayu pada Pemilihan Gubernur (Pilgub) Kepulauan Riau 2005-2015. Fenomena politik di Kepulauan Riau tampak berbeda dengan daerah lain yang didominasi etnis Melayu sejak kandidat dari etnis non-Melayu memenangkan pemilihan gubernur. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara mendalam dan observasi langsung. Informan dipilih dengan menggunakan teknik purposive sampling. Hasil penelitian menemukan bahwa masyarakat etnis melayu berpikiran terbuka. Kandidat yang terpilih juga dapat membuktikan personal yang berkualitas dan berhasil memimpin etnis melayu untuk maju. Etnis non-Melayu memenangkan Pemilihan Gubernur Kepulauan Riau (Kepri) ditentukan oleh 1) Politik indentitas masyarakat etnis melayu adalah berpikiran terbuka, berdampingan dengan identitas Islam, berbicara bahasa Melayu, mengamalkan budaya Melayu, dan berkomitmen untuk membangun dan mengembangkan masyarakat Melayu, sehingga kandidat teridentifikasi sebagai bagian dari etnik Melayu dan dianggap oleh masyarakat Melayu sebagai kandidat pemimpin masyarakat Melayu dalam arti yang luas; 2) figur kandidat mampu bersosialisasi dengan masyarakat etnis Melayu; 3) etnis minoritas lainnya dan partai politik mendukung kandidat. Kandidat dari etnis Melayu gagal karena minimnya kontribusinya kepada masyarakat Melayu pada khususnya dan Kepulauan Riau pada umumnya.