Suchergebnisse

TÜRKİYE'DE DİREKT YATIRIM TERCİHLERİNİ ETKİLEYEN FAKTÖRLERTürkiye'de Yabancı Yatırım girişleri istenilen düzeyde gerçekleşmemektedir. Buna rağmen ekonomik büyüme son yıllarda olumlu bir gelişme göstermektedir. Ülkemizde yabancı sermaye esas olarak 1980'den sonra kendini göstermiştir. Ancak istenilen seviyeye ulaşamamıştır. Bunda ülkemizdeki siyasi ve iktisadi istikrarsızlıkların önemli payı vardır.Özellikle gelişmekte olan ülkeler için kıt olan sermayenin sağlanmasında direkt yabancı sermaye yatırımları önemli bir rol üstlenmektedir. Yabancı sermayenin bir ülkeyi tercih etmesi için ülkedeki ekonomik ve siyasi alt yapının sağlam temellere dayanması gerekmektedir. Krizler nedeniyle ülkedeki ekonomik ve siyasi dengeler bozulmuş, Türkiye'ye gelen direkt yabancı sermayeyi olumsuz yönde etkileyerek, yabancı sermayenin ülkeye giriş miktarında azalmaya neden olmuştur.Türkiye için büyük önem taşıyan direkt yabancı sermaye yatırımlarının miktarının artırılabilmesi için öncelikle, ülkedeki siyasi ve ekonomik istikrarın oluşturulması, bürokratik işlemlerin azaltılması ve yabancı sermaye yatırımcılarını cezbedecek adımların atılması gerekmektedir. Tezin ilk bölümünde yabancı sermaye kavramı anlatılmaya çalışılmış, yabancı sermayeyi açıklayan teorilere yer verilmiştir. Ayrıca yabancı sermayenin bir ülkeye gelmesine etken faktörler ele alınarak, yabancı sermayenin genel anlamda bir ülke ekonomisine sağladığı kazançlar ve kayıplar incelenmiştir. Direkt yabancı sermaye yatırımlarının bir ülkeye geliş sebepleri ekonomik ve siyasi faktörler, sosyal ve kültürel faktörler açısından incelenmiştir. İkinci bölümde, direkt yabancı sermaye yatırımlarının Türkiye ekonomisine etkileri incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Türkiye'nin yabancı sermaye çekme konusunda sahip olduğu avantajlar ve dezavantajlar değerlendirilmiştir. Dünyada bu konu ile ilgili son gelişmeler çerçevesinde Türkiye'nin yabancı sermaye konusunda gelmiş olduğu nokta anlatılmaya çalışılmıştır. Türkiye'nin çekmiş olduğu direkt yabancı yatırımların hem kendi potansiyelinin çok altında olduğunun hem de dünya geneline bakıldığında mevcut direkt yatırımların son derece az oluşunun nedenleri irdelenmeye çalışılmıştır.Son bölümde, Türkiye'nin bu konuda neler yapabileceği ele alınarak direkt yabancı sermayenin ülkeye girişinin hızlandırılması konusunda ne gibi önlemlerin alınabileceği tartışılmıştır.GENERAL KNOWLEDGEName and Surname: Aylin KeskinField: Business AdministrationProgramme: International BusinessSupervisor: Professor Münir ŞakrakDegree Awarded and Date: Master - July 2005Keywords: Foreign Direct Investment, InfluencesABSTRACTFACTORS EFFECTING FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT CHOICES IN TURKEYForeign direct investment is not enough in Turkey. In spite of this, Turkey's growing up rate is better in last years. Basically the foreign direct investment started coming into Turkey after 1980, however it is still not at the desired rate. There are political and economical instability in Turkey which effect coming of foreign capital.Foreign direct investments have a great role over the countries which especially have problems in providing of scarce capital. In order to attract foreign capital to country, economic and political situations should be based on robust base. Because, foreign direct investments do not want to enter to countries which have instabilities in political and economical life. Turkish economic crises effected foreign direct investments negatively and caused a decrease in the volume of foreign direct investments.Turkey requires foreign direct investment. Because of this political and economical stability should be provided, bureaucratic procedures should be minimized before coming obstacle for foreign capital and should be provided suitable conditions to attract foreign direct investment.In the first part of the theses, the concept of foreign capital and the theories analyzing foreign capital has been expressed. Besides this, the gains and loss resulted from foreign direct investments has been tried to be understood. We searched the reasons of foreign direct investments to come any country with economic and political aspects, social and cultural aspects. We tried to explain the effects of foreign direct investments on the country's economic development and progress.In the second part, the impacts of foreign direct investments to Turkey have been analyzed. Subsequently, the advantages and disadvantages of Turkey for foreign direct investments were discussed. The latest developments related to this subject. Unsuccessful attempts of Turkey about foreign direct investment were assessed and the insufficient level of foreign direct investment was pointed out.Besides this, the precautions that should be taken to overcome this problem have been discussed.

ÖZET Bu çalışmanın temel amacı Türkiye-AB ilişkilerinde egemenlik sorunu konusunda, uluslararası ilişkiler bağlamında, tarihî gelişim içerisinde teorik tartışmalar yapmaktır. Egemenlik, ulus devlet siyasasının iç ve dış ilişkilerini, ekonomik, hukuki ve sosyal düzenini şekillendiren bir normdur. Egemenlik, ulus devlet sonrası süreçte, ulusüstü AB yapılanmasıyla da gündeme gelmiştir.Egemenlik kavramının teorik olarak çeşitli tanımları yapılmıştır. Westphalia sonrası ortaya çıkan egemen Avrupa devlet sisteminin hukuki, siyasal, ekonomik ve sosyal yapısı, egemenlik boyutunda incelenmiştir. Modern uluslararası ilişkilerin gelişiminde önemli bir yer tutan egemenlik, Avrupa ulus devletler düzenini kuran önemli siyasi olay ve gelişmeler de tartışılır.Savaş sonrası Avrupa'sında Westphalia egemen ulus devlet sisteminin yerini almakta olan AB; siyasal, ekonomik ve sosyal açıdan egemenlik bağlamında ele alınır. Ekonomik entegrasyon, siyasal birlik, ulusal egemenlik, federalizm, konfederalizm vb. AB'yi betimleyen siyasaların egemenlik söylemi vurgulanır. Ayrıca AB kurumlarının tarihî gelişimi, anayasal yapılanma ve egemenlik tartışmalarını sürdürür. Türkiye'nin egemenlik anlayışı tarihî gelişim içinde ele alınmıştır. Türkiye, Kurtuluş Savaşı'yla birlikte, Batılılaşmak ve çağdaşlaşmak, muasır medeniyet seviyesine ulaşmak için siyasal, ekonomik ve kültürel reformlar yaparak Avrupa modern egemen ulus devlet sistemine geçmiştir. Türkiye, geleneksel toplum yapısını modern, seküler, çağdaş, homojen bir ulus devlet siyasasına dönüştürürken; etnik, dinî, bölgesel ve ideolojik temelli sorunlar da ortaya çıkar. Türkiye'de siyasal iktidarı ele geçiren partilerin iktidarları süresince kendi çoğunlukçu ve fraksiyoncu millî egemenlik anlayışına, Rousseau'cu anlamda genel iradeyi temsil ettiğini düşünerek, Hobbes'cu mutlak devlet egemenliğini topluma ulusal egemenlik anlayışı gibi sunması bu partilerin Lock'cu anlamda demokratik, sivil, sınırlı ve çoğulcu bir toplumsal egemenlik anlayışını yansıtmasına engel olmaktadır. Dolayısıyla, Türkiye'nin siyasal sisteminin demokratik süreci darbeli olmakta, jeopolitik konumu da istikrarsızlığı kolaylaştırmaktadır.Türkiye AB ilişkilerinde egemenlik bağlamında; siyasal, ekonomik, sosyal, hukuk ve güvenlik sorunları vardır. Türkiye, AB'ye tam üyelik sürecinde, AB üyelerinden ve aday ülkelerden farklı olarak kendine has güçlü bir ulus devlet egemenlik kurgusuna sahiptir. Bu güçlü devlet egemenliği anlayışı; jeopolitik, siyasi, ekonomik, sosyal ve kültürel açıdan Türkiye'nin-AB ile ortak bir egemenlik inşasını, paylaşımını, transferini güçleştirmektedir. Fakat Türkiye bu sorunları tek tek çözmektedir.Anahtar Kelimeler: Egemenlik, Ulus Devlet, Federalizm, Devletler Sistemi, Avrupa Birliği, Türkiye. ABSTRACTThe basic purpose of this dissertation is to discuss the sovereignty matter, between Turkey and European Union relations within theoretical framework of the International relations discipline in the process of historical context. The sovereignty is a norm which shapes the polity of the nation state in terms of its internal, external relations, economy, politic, legal and social order. But, by the post-nation state process, supranational EU structure also brought that issue back into agenda.There has been done various theoretical definitions of the sovereignty notions. After the Westphalia there emerged the sovereign European state system which has political, economical, legal and social order, had been analysied within the sovereignty perspectives. The sovereignty which developed the modern international relations by constructing modern nation state order, also comprises the important political aspects of the European historical events, too. In the postwar Europe, the EU replaces the Westphalian sovereign nation state system by political, economical, legal and social direction in the context of sovereignty dimension. To explicate the sovereignty expression of the EU's polity, it also confines economic integration, political union, national sovereignty, federalizm, confederalizm, regionalism, transtate alternative variations. Moreover, the EU institutions' historical imrovements contributes in sovereignty issue in the extent of constitutionalization, democracy, legitimacy, authority and responsibility.Turkey's sovereignty comprehension, are investigated in the historical content. By the Independence War, Turkey aimed to adopt European sovereign nation state system by realizing political, economic, legal and cultural reforms in the name of westernization, civilization and modernization.Turkey transformed successfully its traditional social structure into modern, secular, contemporaneous, homojen republican sovereign nation state polity; Though it encountered with ethnic, religious, regional and ideological resistances. Whereas, Turkey experiences with some difficulties of the multiparty system in the process of democratization in which parties forms the government impose its majoritarian sovereign perceptions. In addition, they implement or introduce their sovereignty conception as Rousseau's "general will" in the sense of Hobbes' absolute state sovereignty so as to national sovereignty rules over society. Thus, this type of conception prevents the government from applying, limited, civil, democratic, pluralist social sovereignty principles in the logic of Locke. In a nutshell, Turkey's democratic process is interrupted oftenly and geopolitical power structures also leads to instability.There are some problematic issues. Those are politic, economic, legal, social and security matters in the context of sovereignty, between Turkey-EU relations.Turkey owns a very strong nation state sovereignty script, in the process of fullmembership into EU, apart from the EU members and other candidate countries. Eventhough there are various geopolitical order alternatives, quests and troubles; Turkey that conciously tries to overcome those barriers one by one so as to share sovereignty with the EU.Keywords: Sovereignty, Nation State, Federalizm, System of States, European Union, Turkey.

ÖZETTürkiye-Yunanistan ilişkileri tarihi süreçte güvensizlik temeline dayandırılmıştır. Bu güvensizlik 1950 yılında ortaya çıkan Kıbrıs sorunuyla pekişerek büyümüş, bu dönemde iki ülke arasındaki anlaşmazlıklar realist bakış açısıyla çözüme ulaştırılmaya çalışılmıştır. 1999 yılında düzenlenen Helsinki Zirvesi'nde Türkiye'nin Avrupa Birliği'ne aday gösterilmesi ilişkileri farklı bir boyuta taşımıştır. Geçmişe bakıldığında tarihleri boyunca hem Türkiye hem de Yunanistan birçok ekonomik krizle mücadele etmek zorunda kalmıştır. Bu krizlerden en önemlisi; 21. yüzyıl itibariyle kendini hissettirmeye başlayarak 2008 yılında Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nde ortaya çıkan ve 2009'un son çeyreği ile Avrupa Borç Krizi'ne dönüşen küresel ekonomik krizdir. Çok sayıda ülke bu krizden olumsuz etkilenirken özellikle Yunanistan AB bünyesinde en çok zarar gören ülke olmuştur. Kısa bir süre sonra ise Avrupa Borç Krizi Yunanistan borç krizine dönüşmüştür. Bu netice doğrultusunda, başta AB ülkeleri olmak üzere çok sayıda dünya ülkesini etkisi altına alan Avrupa Borç Krizi'nin Türkiye-Yunanistan ilişkilerine olası etkilerinden yola çıkılarak bu çalışma hazırlanmıştır. Bu bağlamda Avrupa Borç Krizi sonrası süreçte Türkiye-Yunanistan ilişkileri, AB-Yunanistan ilişkisini ortaya koyan bağımsız değişken ve yaşanan ekonomik krizin Türkiye-Yunanistan ilişkilerine etkisini gösteren bağımlı değişken ile birlikte neo-realist kuram çerçevesinde değerlendirilmiştir. Bu değerlendirme sonucunda iki ülke arasında yaşanan Ege ve Kıbrıs gibi siyasi anlaşmazlıkların çözüme ulaştırılıp ulaştırılamayacağı noktasında bir analiz yapılması amaçlanmıştır. Bu gaye uyarınca çalışma üç ana bölümden oluşturulmuştur. İlk bölümünde realizm, neo-realizm ve çalışmanın alt problemlerinden ilkini oluşturan Türkiye-Yunanistan ilişkilerinin genel çerçevesi neo-realizm bakış açısıyla çizilmiştir. İkinci bölümde, çalışmanın ikinci alt problemini oluşturan Avrupa Borç Krizi'nin ortaya çıkış nedenleri ile Yunanistan ve Türkiye'ye etkilerine değinilmiştir. Çalışmanın ana araştırma sorusunu oluşturan Avrupa Borç Krizi sonrası Türkiye-Yunanistan ilişkileri ise üçüncü bölümde değerlendirilmiştir.Çalışmanın sonucunda uluslararası sistemin günümüzde "Çok Kutupluluğa" doğru dönüştüğü belirlenmiştir. Avrupa'da tecrübe edilen borç krizinin Avrupa Birliği'nin kendini sorgulamasına neden olduğu, Almanya'nın süreç ve kriz yönetiminde ön plana çıktığı, Yunanistan'ın ise ulusal çıkarları doğrultusunda yaşanan borç krizini fırsata çevirerek içinde bulunduğu durumu Türkiye ile olan siyasi sorunlarında bir taviz aracı olarak kullandığı sonucuna varılmıştır. Her ne kadar 1999 Helsinki Zirvesi'nin ardından Türkiye ile Yunanistan arasında ekonomik ve sosyal yönden çok sayıda işbirliği yolu açılmış olsa da, Avrupa Borç Krizi sonrasında AB-Yunanistan ilişkisinin sıkılaşarak devam ediyor olması da açık bir gerçektir. Bu durum, Türkiye-Yunanistan ilişkilerinde Ege ve Kıbrıs gibi geçmişten günümüze taşınan siyasi anlaşmazlıkların uzun bir süre daha Avrupa Birliği nezdinde çözüme kavuşturulamayacağını ortaya koymaktadır. ABSTRACTTurkey-Greece relations are based on the fundamental insecurity in the historical process. This insecurity grew by consolidating with the Cyprus problem that emerged in 1950, and the problems between the two countries were tried to be resolved by realist point of view. At the Helsinki Summit in 1999. Turkey's relations with the European Union, the nomination was moved to a different dimension. In retrospect, dates throughout Turkey and many have been forced to fight the economic crisis as well as Greece. The most important of these crises; It is the global economic crisis that began in the United States in 2008, beginning with self-empowerment in the 21st century and turning into the European Debt Crisis with the last quarter of 2009. While many countries are negatively affected by this crisis, Greece has been the most damaged country in the EU. Soon after, the European Debt Crisis became Greece's debt crisis. In line with this conclusion, especially European Union countries, including many countries of the world under the impact of the possible effects of the European debt crisis based on this study has been prepared on the Turkey-Greece relations. In this context, analyzed within the framework of neo-realist theory of the Turkey-Greece relations in the aftermath of the European debt crisis with the independent variable that reveals the EU-Greece relationship and the dependent variable that shows the impact of economic crisis in Turkey-Greece relations. As a result of this evaluation, it was aimed to make an analysis at the point where the experienced political disagreements between the two countries, Cyprus and Aegean, could not be delivered. In accordance with this objective, the study is composed of three main sections. The first section of realism, neo-realism, and forming the framework of the first Turkey-Greece relations problems of the sub-study were drawn from the point of view of neo-realism. In the second part, forming the second sub-study problems with the reasons for the emergence of the European debt crisis and it is addressed to the effects of Greece and Turkey. The study constitutes the main research question after the European Debt Crisis Turkey-Greece relations have been evaluated in the third section.At the end of the study, it was determined that the international system is now turning towards "Polarity". Europe's experience as the debt crisis in the European Union caused the self-questioning, Germany's process and that came to the fore in crisis management, while Greece national interests in accordance experienced were in turning the opportunities of the debt crisis compromise the vehicle's political problems with Turkey as the result that we use as. Although the 1999 Helsinki Summit the following economic and social aspects of many ways of cooperation from between Turkey and Greece opened, though, it is an obvious fact that EU and Greece relationships continues to tighten after the debt crisis. This case shows that the political disagreements moved from the past to the present in Turkey-Greece relations such as Aegean and Cyprus cannot be resolved for a long time within the European Union.

Çağdaş dünyanın demokrasi ile yönetilen toplumlarında, alınan siyasal kararların meşruluğu, halkın siyasal işleyişi yakından takip etmesiyle daha da güçlenmektedir. Bu sebeple bütün vatandaşların seçme hakkına ek olarak siyasal katılım ve siyasal toplumsallaşmanın her türlüsünden yararlanarak, bireylerin ve toplumun siyasal işleyişe dengeli bir biçimde katılması oldukça önemlidir. Bu açıdan, dünyada nüfusun ve her bir ülkenin yarısını meydana getiren kadınların, elde ettikleri yetkiler ve karar alma mekanizmalarına katılımları da büyük önem taşımaktadır. Kadının her boyutta yönetime etkili bir şekilde katılımını sağlamadan, karar alma süreçlerinde toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinde siyasal katılım ruhuna uygun bir vasata erişmeden, modernlik ve kalkınma hedeflerine ulaşılamayacağı ortadadır. Bu bağlamda bu çalışmanın amacı, Türkiye'de kadın nüfusun önemli bir bölümünü oluşturan ev kadınlarının içinde bulundukları toplumsal yaşamda siyasal süreçlerle ne kadar içselleştirip içselleştiremediklerini, siyasal katılım ve siyasal toplumsallaşma düzeylerinin hangi düzeyde olduğunu çözümlemektir. Araştırmada ilk olarak siyaset bilimi ve siyaset sosyolojisinde yer alan temel kavramlar tanımlanmış ve geleneksel dönemden başlayarak kadının siyasal katılım mücadelesine yer verilmiştir. Afyonkarahisar kent merkezinde yapılan alan araştırmasında tabakalı amaçlı örneklem tekniği ile belirlenen 24 katılımcı ile derinlemesine görüşme yapılmış, elde edilen bulgular söylem analizi tekniği ile çözümlenmiştir. Sonuç olarak ev kadınlarının önemli bir kısmının siyasal yaşamdan oldukça uzak oldukları görülmüş, bu durumun nedeni olarak ev kadınlığının sosyokültürel şartları ve toplum tarafından ev kadınlarına biçilen rol ve görevler olduğu değerlendirilmiştir. ; In the societies of the contemporary world governed by Democracy, the legitimacy of political decisions is strengthened by the close follow-up of the people's political processes. Therefore, it is very important for individuals and society to participate in the political process in a balanced way benefitting all kinds of political participation and political socialization in addition to the right of all citizens to vote. In this respect, the authorities of women and their participation in decision-making mechanisms, who make up half of the world's and each country's population, is of great importance. It is obvious that the goals of modernity and development cannot be achieved without ensuring the effective participation of women in all aspects of the governance and without reaching a mediocre suitable for the spirit of political participation in social gender roles in the decision-making processes. In this direction, the aim of this study is to analyze to what extent housewives, who make up a significant part of the women population in Turkey are internalized and uninternalized with political processes in the social life they live in, and at what level their political participation and political socialization levels are. In the research, firstly, the basic concepts in political science and political sociology are defined and starting from the conventional period, women's struggle for political participation is included. In the field research conducted in Afyonkarahisar city center, in-depth interviews are conducted with 24 participants determined by the stratified purposeful sampling technique, and the findings are analyzed with the discourse analysis technique. As a result, it is seen that a significant part of housewives are far from political life, and it is evaluated that the reason for this situation is the socio-cultural conditions of housewives and the roles and duties assigned to housewives by the society.

"YAKIN ZAMANDA TÜRKİYE'NİN ARAP DÜNYASI POLİTİKALARININ, TÜRKİYE EKONOMİSİNE ETKİLERİ" Adnan YÜCE Türkiye'nin Arap halklarıyla tarihî, kültürel, sosyal yakınlığı ve bu gelişmelerin doğrudan veya dolaylı etkileri Türkiye ve Arap dünyasını birbirleri ile yakından ilgilenmeye zorlamaktadır. Çok boyutlu ve geleceğe dönük bir dış politika izleyen Türkiye, Orta Doğu'da barış, istikrar ve refahın egemen olması için yürütülen çabalara güçlü ve aktif destek vermektedir. Türkiye bütün ülkelerle olduğu gibi Arap ülkeleriyle de ticari ve ekonomik ilişkilerini geliştirmek çabasındadır. Genel bir değerlendirme yapılacak olursa, Orta Doğu'daki birçok ülkede ekonomik açıdan yapısal problemlerin bulunduğu, ayrıca siyasi meseleler nedeniyle bu ülkelerin ekonomiye yeterince ağırlık veremedikleri, yatırımlarının yetersiz kaldığı, buna bağlı olarak ödeme güçlüklerinin bulunduğu ve ithalatlarının kısıtlı kaldığı gözlenmektedir. Bu çalışma, Türkiye ile Arap Ülkelerinin dış ticaret ilişkilerini kapsamaktadır. Elde edilen bulgular sonucunda Arap ülkelerinin ihraç mallarının ithal mallarına oranla değişiklik arz etmektedir. Bölge ülkelerinin iktisadi yapılarının gelişmemiş olması ve sanayileşme konusunda yeterli alt yapıyı oluşturamamış olmaları nedeniyle de ticaret yapılan diğer ülkelerle rekabet edebilme güçlerinin olmadığı görülmüştür. Arap ülkeleri ve Türkiye arasındaki ticaret, bütün teşviklere rağmen gelişememiştir. Ancak Türkiye'de 2002 yılındaki tek parti iktidarından sonra Arap ülkeleri ile ilişkiler önemli ölçüde artmış, kültürel ve ekonomik açılardan işbirliği içerisine girmişlerdir. 2002 yılından günümüze kadar hem kamu hem de özel sektörler tarafından yapılan anlaşmalar neticesinde Türkiye ile Arap Ülkeleri arasındaki ticaretin önemli ölçüde hız kazandığını söyleyebiliriz. Arap ülkeleri ile ekonomik ve sosyo-kültürel ilişkilerimizde sağlam bir zemin oluşturup, bu ilişkilerimizi ekonomik ve ticari alanlarda çeşitlendirmenin ve güçlendirmenin uzun dönemde siyasi ilişkilerimiz üzerinde de olumlu etkiler yaratacağı beklenmektedir. ; "TURKEY'S POLICY RECENTLY THE ARAB WORLD, THE EFFECTS OF THE TURKISH ECONOMY" Adnan YÜCE Turkey's historical, cultural and social proximity (ties) with Arab nations and its direct and indirect effects compel Turkey and Arab nations to pay attention to each other. Following multi-dimensional and future-oriented foreign policy, Turkey intensely and actively supports the efforts to build peace, stability and prosperity in the Middle East.As with all countries, Turkey aims at improving its commercial and economic relations with Arab nations. Generally speaking, it is observed that many nations in the Middle East have structural economic problems and that due to political problems they are unable to deal with economic issues. It is also observed that insufficient investments in the Middle East cause payment difficulties and limited imports. This study consists of foreign trade relations between Turkey and Arab nations. As a result of the findings, the structure of export goods differs from the structure of import goods. Because of underdeveloped economic structure and insufficient infrastructure in industrialization in the region, Arab nations' competitiveness is relatively low, comparing to other nations.Bilateral trade relations among Arab countries and Turkey have not progressed enough despite all incentives. However, thanks to the single-party rule in Turkey since 2002 and inter-governmental and inter-societal agreements, it is possible to affirm that economic, social and Commercial relations have gained a new impetus. Enhancing the economic and socio-cultural basis of Turkish-Arabic bilateral relations and diverfisifying them with economic and financial aspects may have beneficial effects on our political relations in the long-run.

ÖZETAlternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü, uyuşmazlıkları resmi yargılama ve yargıç kararı olmaksızın çözmek için kullanılan yöntemlere verilen isimdir. Bu yöntemler tarafların karşılıklı oarak üzerinde anlaştıkları çözümlere ulaşmalarına olanak tanır. Alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü, arabuluculuk, müzakere, tahkim, ombudsman, özet jüri duruşması, mini-duruşma gibi çok çeşitli yöntemleri içerir. Bu yöntemler tarafların yüz yüze görüşmelerine ve uyuşmazlıkla ilgili meseleleri gayri resmi ve özel bir biçimde değerlendirmelerine imkan verir.Uyuşmazlık çözüm yolları genel olarak üç ana başlıkta ele alınabilir. Bunlar, yargılama, alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü ve şiddet ya da kaçınma gibi geleneksel yöntemlerdir. Farklı uyuşmazlık tipleri farklı yöntemlerin uygulanmasını gerektirebilir. Hangisinin uygun olduğu kültürel yapı, toplumsal olgular ve kişisel özellikler tarafından belirlenir. Bu tez, uyuşmazlık işleyişinin antropolojik ve sosyolojik boyutlarına yoğunlaşmakta ve alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümünü bu açıdan değerlendirmektedir. Çalışma iki ana bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlki uyuşmazlık çözümünün antropolojik ve sosyolojik kökenleriyle ilgilidir. Kültür, çatışma, geleneksel ve modern toplumlarda uyuşmazlık çözümü ve alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümünün tarihsel öncülleriyle ilgilidir. İkinci bölüm modern toplumlardaki alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümünü konu edinmektedir. Alternatif hareketin teorik dayanakları, ideoloji, iktidar ve uyuşmazlık süreci bağlantısı, alternatif uyuşmazlık çözümü adı altında kullanılan genel yöntemler ve Türk hukuk kültürüne yansımalarını kapsamaktadır.SUMMARYAlternative dispute resolution is the name given to the processes, which are used to resolve disputes, without formal adjudication and decision by a judge. These processes allow parties to reach mutually acceptable solutions. Alternative dispute resolution includes a variety of different processes including mediation, negotiation, arbitration, ombudsman, summary jury trial, mini-trial, etc. These methods let parties to meet face to face and consider the issues in a dispute by an informal and private way.Dispute resolution methods can be classified into three main ways. These are, adjudication, alternative dispute resolution and traditional methods as violence or avoidance. Different kinds of disputes may require different kinds of processes. Cultural structure, social facts and personal properties ascertain the appropriate one. This thesis concentrates on the anthropological and sociological aspects of dispute processing and commentate alternative dispute resolution in this perspective. This work includes two main parts. First one is about the anthropological and sociological sources of dispute resolution. It involves culture, conflict, dispute resolution in traditional and modern societies, historical antecedents of alternative dispute resolution. Second part is about alternative dispute resolution in modern societies. It includes theoretical basis of alternative movement, the relation between ideology, power and dispute process, general methods that are used under the name of alternative dispute resolution and its reflection to Turkish law culture.

The purpose of this research is (1) to study the use of the 4 Ithi principles in local management of Si-O Subdistrict Administrative Organization personnel. Kumphawapi District Udon Thani Province (2) to study and compare the use of the Ithi-4 principle in local management of Si O Subdistrict Administrative Organization personnel Kumphawapi District Udon Thani Province and (3) to study guidelines for the development of the use of the 4 Ithi principles in local management of Si O Subdistrict Administrative Organization personnel Kumphawapi District Udon Thani Province This research is an integrated research (Mixed method) with quantitative research (qualitative research) by distributing questionnaires. And qualitative research by interviewing, for quantitative. The samples used in the research are Si O Subdistrict Administrative Organization Personnel Kumphawapi District Udon Thani Province 97 people from the appropriate sampling by opening the table Kee and Morgan from a population of 128 people Using simple random sampling techniques by drawing lots and for qualitative research The sample group who provided the main information in the interview was the administrators of Si-O Subdistrict Administration Organization. Using the technique of sampling method using Purposive Random Sampling. The tools used in the research were questionnaires and interview form. Data were analyzed by computer program in social science program using frequency statistics. (Frequency) Percentage (average) ( ) Standard deviation (S.D.) Hypothesis test by data analysis One-way variance (One Way ANOVA) for interview form Analyze the content of the information described in the form of collationThe findings of a research study were found in the following aspects. Most respondents aged less than 35 years old, 32 people, representing 33.0 percent, having 32 lower education degrees, 33.0 percent and 29.9 percent of work experience. Personnel are using the 4 main principles of local authority in the management of local organizations in the overall level at a high level. With an average value equal to (X = 3.66). Personnel are using the 4 main principles of local authority in the management of local organizations. In every level By sorting the average value from descending to the topical side ( = 3.70), persistence ( = 3.69), mental side ( = 3.63) and side motivation ( = 3.62) respectively. Personnel with different age and work experience The use of the 4 Ithi principles in the management of local organizations is different with statistical significance at the level of 0.05. The personnel with different educational levels have the use of the 4 IIT principles in the management of local organizations. not different There is a guideline to develop the use of the principle of using the Ithi-4 principle in the local management of Si O Subdistrict Administrative Organization personnel. Kumphawapi District Udon Thani province is 4.1. Aspect (satisfaction with existing things) needs to be used by personnel to use the satisfaction of what they have to consider in managing the local area thoroughly and making rational decisions in effective management. 4.2. Persistence (perseverance) requires the personnel to be sincere in local management and strengthen the responsibility of the personnel by using perseverance in each section of the work assigned to management 4.3. Jita (intentions of doing things) need to have personnel sacrificed in local management. For the benefit of the organization, enhancing the management potential, enhancing the understanding and consciousness of the personnel 4.4. In the field of discrimination (reasoning, reasoning), it is necessary for personnel to use consciousness to control emotions in the management of the assigned local area. Responsible together to create responsibility for each individual according to the assigned line, reinforce the character in a positive way. ; งานวิจัยฉบับนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์คือ (1) เพื่อศึกษาการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการจัดการท้องถิ่นของบุคลากรองค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลสีออ อำเภอกุมภวาปี จังหวัดอุดรธานี (2) เพื่อศึกษาเปรียบเทียบการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการจัดการท้องถิ่นของบุคลากรองค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลสีออ อำเภอกุมภวาปี จังหวัดอุดรธานีและ (3) เพื่อศึกษาแนวทางพัฒนาการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการจัดการท้องถิ่นของบุคลากรองค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลสีออ อำเภอกุมภวาปี จังหวัดอุดรธานี การวิจัยนี้เป็นการวิจัยเชิงผสมผสาน (Mixed Method) ด้วยการวิจัยเชิงปริมาณ (Qualitative Research) โดยการแจกแบบสอบถาม และการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ (Qualitative Research)โดยการสัมภาษณ์, สำหรับเชิงปริมาณกลุ่มตัวอย่างที่ใช้ในการวิจัยได้แก่ บุคลากรองค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลสีออ อำเภอกุมภวาปี จังหวัดอุดรธานี จำนวน 97 คน จากการสุ่มตัวอย่างที่เหมาะสมโดยการเปิดตาราง เคชี่และมอร์แกน จาก ประชากรจำนวน 128 คน ใช้เทคนิควิธีการสุ่มตัวอย่างง่าย (Simple Random Sampling)โดยวิธีจับฉลากและสำหรับการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ กลุ่มตัวอย่างผู้ให้ข้อมูลหลักในการสัมภาษณ์ได้แก่ผู้บริหารองค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลสีออ ใช้เทคนิควิธีการสุ่มตัวอย่างโดยวิธีเจาะจง (Purposive Random Sampling) เครื่องมือที่ใช้ในการวิจัยได้แก่แบบสอบถามและแบบสัมภาษณ์วิเคราะห์ข้อมูลด้วยเครื่องคอมพิวเตอร์โปรแกรมสำเร็จรูปทางสังคมศาสตร์โดยใช้สถิติความถี่ (Frequency) ค่าร้อยละ (Percentage) ค่าเฉลี่ย ( ) ส่วนเบี่ยงเบนมาตรฐาน (S.D.) แบบทดสอบสมมติฐานโดยการวิเคราะห์ข้อมูล ความแปรปรวนทางเดียว (One Way ANOVA) สำหรับแบบสัมภาษณ์ วิเคราะห์ข้อมูลเชิงเนื้อหาอธิบายในรูปของความเรียง ผลการวิจัยพบว่า ผู้ตอบแบบสอบถามส่วนใหญ่มีอายุต่ำกว่า 35 ปี จำนวน 32 คน คิดเป็นร้อยละ 33.0 มีระดับการศึกษาต่ำกว่าปริญญาตรี จำนวน 32 คน คิดเป็นร้อยละ 33.0 และมีประสบการณ์การทำงาน จำนวน 29 คน คิดเป็นร้อยละ29.9 บุคลากรมีการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการบริหารจัดการองค์กรส่วนท้องถิ่น ในภาพรวม อยู่ในระดับมาก โดยมีค่าเฉลี่ยเท่ากับ ( = 3.66) เมื่อพิจารณา ในรายด้านพบว่า บุคลากรมีการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการบริหารจัดการองค์กรส่วนท้องถิ่น อยู่ในระดับมากทุกด้าน โดยเรียงลำดับค่าเฉลี่ยจากมากไปหาน้อย คือ ด้านฉันทะ ( = 3.70) ด้านวิริยะ ( = 3.69) ด้านจิตตะ ( = 3.63) และด้านวิมังสา ( = 3.62) ตามลำดับ บุคลากรที่มีอายุและประสบการณ์การทำงานต่างกัน มีการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการบริหารจัดการองค์กรส่วนท้องถิ่น แตกต่างกัน อย่างมีนัยสำคัญทางสถิติที่ระดับ 0.05 ส่วนบุคลากรที่มีระดับการศึกษา ต่างกัน มีการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการบริหารจัดการองค์กรส่วนท้องถิ่น ไม่แตกต่างกัน มีแนวทางพัฒนาการใช้หลักแนวทางการใช้หลักอิทธิบาท 4 ในการจัดการท้องถิ่นของบุคลากรองค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลสีออ อำเภอกุมภวาปี จังหวัดอุดรธานี คือ 4.1. ด้านฉันทะ (ความพอใจในสิ่งที่มีอยู่) จำเป็นจะต้องให้บุคลากรใช้ความพอใจในสิ่งที่มีอยู่พิจารณาในการบริหารจัดการส่วนท้องถิ่นอย่างรอบครอบและทำการตัดสินใจอย่างมีเหตุผลในการบริหารจัดการอย่างมีประสิทธิผล 4.2. ด้านวิริยะ (ความเพียรพยายาม) จำเป็นจะต้องให้บุคลากรมีความจริงใจในการบริหารจัดการท้องถิ่นและสร้างเสริมความรับผิดชอบในตัวบุคลากรโดยอาศัยความเพียรพยายามในส่วนของแต่ละบุคลตามสายงานที่ได้รับมอบหมายในการบริหารจัดการ 4.3. ด้านจิตะ (ความตั้งใจในสิ่งที่ทำอยู่) จำเป็นจะต้องให้บุคลากรมีความเสียสละตั้งในในการบริหารจัดการท้องถิ่น เพื่อประโยชน์ขององค์กรเสริมศักยภาพในการบริหารจัดการเสริมสร้างความเข้าใจและจิตสำนึกในตัวของบุคลากร 4.4. ด้านวิมังสา (ความไตร่ตรองหาเหตุผล) จำเป็นจะต้องให้บุคลากรใช้สติกำกับในการควบคุมอารมณ์ในการบริหารจัดการส่วนท้องถิ่นที่ได้รับมอบหมาย รับผิดชอบร่วมกันสร้างความรับผิดชอบในส่วนของแต่ละบุคคลตามสายงานที่ได้รับมอบหมายเสริมสร้างลักษณะนิสัยในทางบวก

The objectives of this research were: 1) to study the model of good governance of Sub-district Administration Organization in KraiNok, Kong KraiLat District, Sukhothai Province, 2) To study the opinions on the good governance of Krai Nok Sub-district Administration Organization in Kong Krailat District Sukhothai Province By classified by personal factors 3) To study guidelines for the development of a good governance model of Krai Nok Sub-district Administration Organization in Kong Krailat District Sukhothai Province according to good governance principles. This research used the mixed methods between the quantitative and qualitative research. For quantitative research was a survey conducted with 370 persons from 4,444 persons of the population. Simple random sampling was applied by using Taro-Yamane. Data were collected by the questionnaires and were analyzed by using Statistical Package for the social science research. The statistic tools for analyzing the common data of population were Frequency and Percentage. The statistic tools to analyze the opinions' level toward the strategy to improve the quality of life of people in the Sub-district Administration Organization in KraiNok, Kong Krai Lat District, Sukhothai Province were Frequency, Percentage, Means, Standard Deviation and tested the hypothesis by describing the personal factors. F-test and T-test were used for testing of variance as well as pair-wise comparison. repeated-measure One Way ANOVA and Least Significant Difference were used for analyzing the data. For Qualitative research, In-Depth Interview with 14 key informants was used to analyze the data and using the context clues technique by descriptive content analysis. The results revealed that 1) In research on the good governance model of Krai Nok Sub-district Administration Organization Kong Krailat District Sukhothai Province By McKinsey's 7-S model, the people's opinion on the good governance model found that the overall view was at a high level (= 4.07, S.D. = 0.568) when considered In each aspect, namely the structure of the strategy, the personnel system, the skills leader and the value found that the opinions of the people were at a high level in all aspects 2) The results of people's opinion towards good governance model of Krai Nok Sub-district Administration Organization Kong Krailat District Sukhothai Province classified by personal factors such as gender, age, education, occupation and income, found that people with different incomes there were different opinions with statistically significant at 0.01 level. Therefore, accepting research hypotheses. For gender, age, education and occupation was different, affecting opinions on good governance model not different, therefore rejected the research hypothesis. 3) good governancemodel of Krai Nok Sub-district Administration Organization outside the district Kong Krailat, Sukhothai Province According to good governance principles, such as 1) There should be an analysis of the current situation of the organization before creating a plan every time to bring weaknesses, strengths, opportunities, and threats in accordance with the problems and various environmental conditions that are constantly changing 2) The executives and the head of the department should decentralize decision-making and allow personnel to participate in proposing new ideas or ideas in policy formulation. Which will lead to more efficient and effective operations 3) Provide funding personnel development is always In order to increase skills and efficiency, knowledge and ability to perform duties in the duty better by encouraging continuous development of human resources 4) Should add enough personnel to work and should set up an evaluation system to measure the performance of personnel seriously and continuously to help identify weaknesses in the administration that will be useful for further development and 5) There should be more public relations work. ; การวิจัยฉบับนี้มีวัตถุประสงค์ คือ 1) เพื่อศึกษารูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดีขององค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย 2) เพื่อศึกษาความคิดเห็นที่มีต่อรูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดีขององค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย โดยจำแนกตามปัจจัยส่วนบุคล 3) เพื่อศึกษาแนวทางการพัฒนารูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดีขององค์การบริหาร ส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย ตามหลักการบริหารจัดการที่ดี การวิจัยครั้งนี้เป็นการวิจัยแบบผสานวิธีโดยการวิจัยเชิงปริมาณ สำรวจกลุ่มตัวอย่างซึ่งเป็นประชาชนในพื้นที่องค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย จำนวน 370 คน จากประชากรทั้งหมด 4,852 คนสุ่มกลุ่มตัวอย่างโดยวิธีการสุ่มอย่างง่าย คำนวณขนาดกลุ่มตัวอย่างโดยใช้สูตรของทาโร่ ยามาเน่ เก็บรวบรวมข้อมูลโดยใช้แบบสอบถามซึ่งมีค่าความเชื่อมั่นทั้งฉบับเท่ากับ 0.997 วิเคราะห์ข้อมูลโดยใช้โปรแกรมสำเร็จรูปเพื่อการวิจัยทางสังคมศาสตร์สถิติพรรณนาที่ใช้ได้แก่ ค่าความถี่ ค่าร้อยละค่าเฉลี่ยและค่าเบี่ยงเบนมาตรฐานและทดสอบสมมติฐานโดยการทดสอบค่าที (t-test) และการทดสอบค่าเอฟ (F-test) ด้วยการวิเคราะห์ความแปรปรวนทางเดียว (One Way ANOVA) เมื่อพบความแตกต่างจึงทดสอบความแตกต่างของค่าเฉลี่ยเป็นรายคู่ด้วยวิธีผลต่างนัยสำคัญน้อยที่สุด (Least Significant Difference : LSD) และการวิจัยเชิงคุณภาพ โดยการสัมภาษณ์เชิงลึก (In-depth Interview) กับผู้ให้ข้อมูลสำคัญ (Key Informants) จำนวน 14 คน โดยใช้แบบสัมภาษณ์ที่มีโครงสร้าง (Structured Interview Form) และใช้เทคนิคการวิเคราะห์เนื้อหาเชิงพรรณนา ผลการวิจัยพบว่า ในการวิจัยเรื่องรูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดีขององค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย โดยตัวแบบ 7-S ของแมคคินซีย์ความคิดของประชาชนเห็นต่อรูปแบบการบริหารจัดการ พบว่าในภาพรวมอยู่ในระดับมาก (= 4.07, S.D. = 0.568) เมื่อพิจารณา ในแต่ละด้าน คือ ด้านโครงสร้างด้านกลยุทธ์ด้านระบบ ด้านบุคลากร ด้านผู้นำด้านทักษะ และด้านค่านิยม พบว่า ความคิดเห็นของประชาชนอยู่ในระดับมากทุกด้าน ผลความคิดเห็นของประชาชนที่มีต่อรูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดีขององค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย จำแนกตามปัจจัยส่วนบุคลคือ เพศ อายุ การศึกษา อาชีพ และรายได้ พบว่า ประชาชนที่มีรายได้ต่างกัน มีความคิดเห็นแตกต่างกันอย่างมีนัยสำคัญทางสถิติที่ระดับ 0.01 จึงยอมรับสมมติฐานการวิจัย สำหรับเพศ อายุ การศึกษา และอาชีพต่างกันมีผลต่อความคิดเห็นต่อรูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดี ไม่แตกต่างกัน จึงปฏิเสธสมมุติฐานการวิจัย 3. รูปแบบการบริหารจัดการที่ดีขององค์การบริหารส่วนตำบลไกรนอก อำเภอกงไกรลาศ จังหวัดสุโขทัย ตามหลักการบริหารจัดการที่ดีได้แก่ 1) ควรมีการวิเคราะห์สภาวการณ์ปัจจุบันขององค์การก่อนการจัดทำแผนงานทุกครั้งเพื่อนำผลวิเคราะห์ที่เป็นจุดอ่อนจุดแข็งโอกาสและอุปสรรคด้านการบริหารจัดการให้สอดคล้องกับปัญหาและสภาวะแวดล้อมด้านต่าง ๆ ที่เปลี่ยนแปลงอยู่เสมอ 2) ฝ่ายบริหารและหัวหน้าส่วนงานควรกระจายอำนาจการตัดสินใจและเปิดโอกาสให้บุคลากรมีส่วนร่วมในการเสนอความคิดเห็นหรือแนวความคิดใหม่ ๆ ในการกำหนดนโยบาย อันจะนำไปสู่การปฏิบัติงานที่มีประสิทธิภาพและประสิทธิผลมากขึ้น 3) จัดหาทุนสนับสนุน การพัฒนาบุคลากรอยู่เสมอ เพื่อเป็นการเพิ่มทักษะและประสิทธิภาพความรู้ความสามารถในการปฏิบัติงานในหน้าที่ให้ดียิ่งขึ้น โดยการสนับสนุนให้มีการพัฒนาด้านทรัพยากรบุคคลย่างต่อเนื่อง 4)ควรเพิ่มบุคลากรให้เพียงพอต่อการปฏิบัติงาน และควรจัดระบบติดตามประเมินผลเพื่อวัดผลการทำงานของบุคลากรอย่างจริงจังและต่อเนื่อง เพื่อช่วยชี้จุดอ่อนในการบริหารงานอันจะเป็นประโยชน์ต่อการปรับปรุงพัฒนาต่อไป 5) ควรมีการประชาสัมพันธ์การทำงานให้เพิ่มมากขึ้น

Dünyanın küreselleşme sürecine girmesi hayatın her alanında radikal dönüşümlerin yaşanmasına sebep olmuştur. Bu dönüşümlerin en somut örneklerinden bir tanesi de sivil toplumda meydana gelen dönüşümdür. Sivil toplumsal dönüşümün meydana gelmesine gerekçe hazırlayan etkenlerden en önemlisi küreselleşmeyle birlikte ulus devlet yapısının aşınmaya başlamış olmasıdır. Ulus devletin başat unsurları sayılabilecek dışa kapalı, korunmacı ve sınırlayıcı devlet algısı küresel süreçlerle zayıflamış ve sivil toplumsal hareketler bu süreçte eskiye nazaran daha aktif hale gelerek yer yer devletin çizdiği sınırları aşındırarak yeni birer küresel aktör olarak ön plana çıkmaya başlamışlardır. Bizde tezimizde bu sürecin bir ürünü olan küresel sivil toplum olgusunu inceliyoruz. Küresel sivil toplumu incelerken bu olguya iyi bir örneklik oluşturduğunu düşündüğümüz İHH vakfını tartışmaya dâhil ettik. İHH vakfı, faaliyet alanı olarak dünyanın birçok farklı ülkesini seçmiş olması sebebiyle küresel sivil topluma bir örnek oluşturmaktadır. Tezimizde İHH vakfının faaliyetleri ve yöntemleri ele alınarak küresel sivil toplumun yapısı, etki alanı ve özellikleri anlaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Araştırmamızın sonucunda görmekteyiz ki küresel şartların etkisiyle sivil toplum küresel sivil topluma doğru bir dönüşüm geçirmiştir. Bu yeni olgunun en temel özelliklerinden bir tanesi de sivil bir siyasallık tarzı geliştirmiş olmasıdır. Bu bağlamda çalışmamızda bu sivil siyasallık tarzının küresel arenada ne tür şekillerde tezahür ettiği, İHH vakfının ulus ötesi faaliyetlerinin sonuçları ele alınarak incelenmiştir. İHH vakfı özelinde görmekteyiz ki, küresel sivil toplumsal organizasyonlar kullandıkları esnek ve aktif eylem yöntemleri sayesinde küresel siyaset sahnesinde ulus devlet tarzı resmi siyaset söylemine güçlü bir alternatif oluşturmaya başlamış ve devletlerin yanında etkin birer karar merciine dönüşmüşlerdir. ; Beginning of the globalisation process has caused radical transformations to take place in all the aspects of life. The transformation of the civil society is one of the most concrete examples of these transformations. Most significant factor which has paved the way for the occurrence of the civil social transformation is the fact that the nation - state structure has started to be eroded through the globalisation process. The self-enclosed, protectionist and restrictive state perception which may be considered as the basic components of the nation ? state have been diminished by the global processes; and the civil social movements have became more active than ever and taken a leading role as a new global actor by eroding the limits that were determined by the nation-states. In this study we study on the global civil society phenomenon which is a consequence of this process. We have included the İHH foundation into the study since we considered it as a proper example of the global civil society phenomenon. Since the İHH foundation has selected a many number of countries as its area of activity it is deemed as an example for the global civil society. In our study, the activities and methods of the İHH foundation have been taken into consideration; and by this way the structure, area of effect and characteristics of the global civil society are tried to be understood. As a consequence of our research we have seen that the civil society has transformed into global civil society due to the global conditions. One of the basic characteristics of this new phenomenon is the fact that it has developed civil political style. In this context, we have focused on forms of appearing of this civil political style in the global arena by taking the results of the trans-national activities of the İHH foundation. The practice of İHH foundation shows that the global civil society organisations have became powerful alternatives to the nation-state style official political discourse in the global politics arena by the flexible and active methods of action that they used and have been transformed into effective decision makers nearby the states.

Sovyetler Birliği'nin 1990-1991 yıllarında dağılma süreciyle birlikte diğer Türk toplulukları da arka arkaya kendi bağımsızlıklarını ilan etmiştir. Orta Asya Cumhuriyetleri içerisinde en büyük yüzölçümüne sahip olan Kazakistan, hem Sovyetler döneminde baskının en çok hissedildiği hem de bugün büyük başarılarla dünya arenasında geldiği nokta açısından önemli ülke bir olarak görülmektedir. Bu çalışmanın birinci bölümünde Kazakistan'ın tarihine kısa bir bakış atılmıştır. Rusya Çarlığı zamanından Sovyetlere kadar olan dönemin sosyal, ekonomik ve idari alanları incelenmiş ve bağımsızlık sonrası Kazakistan'ın etnik, ekonomik, askerî ve stratejik konularında pek çok sorun ortaya çıkmıştır. Daha önce devlet sisteminde belirlenmiş rejim standartları bulunmayan, ülkenin iç ve dış politika açısından tamamen tecrübesiz olması nedeniyle bağımsızlıktan sonra memleket anayasası, dış politika yetkileri ve bürokrasisi senelerce süren yoğun bir çalışma sürecini gerektirmiştir. Ülkenin karşısında bulunan bu sorunların kademeli olarak çözülmesi amacıyla Cumhurbaşkanı Nazarbayev tarafından kabul edilen kısa ve uzun vadeli program, proje ve stratejiler de bu bağlamda incelenmiştir. İkinci bölümde uluslararası örgütlerin tanıtımı, bu örgütlerin fonksiyonları, sınıflandırılmaları hakkında genel bilgi verilmiş ve Kazakistan açısından çok taraflılık ve uluslararası örgütlerin önemi açıklanmıştır. Üçüncü bölümde ise çeşitli uluslararası örgütler ve bu örgütlerin örnekler üzerinden ilişkileri ve neticeleri incelenmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Kazakistan, Dış Politika, Güvenlik, Uluslararası Örgütler, Bütünleşme. ; After the partition of the Soviet Union in 1990-1991, other Turkish countries declared their independence in succession. Kazakhstan, which has the largest area among the Central Asian Republics, it is seen as the most important country in terms of where the pressure was felt during the Soviet period and where it came out with the great success the world arena. A succinct overview of the history of Kazakhstan is given in the first part of this study. The social, economic and administrative areas of the period from the time of Tsarist Russia to the Soviets were examined and many problems of post-independence Kazakhstan emerged in ethnic, economic, military and strategic issues. The Constitution, Foreign policy powers and bureaucracy of the country after independence required years of intensive work due to the lack of regime standards established in the state system before, and being completely inexperienced in the domestic and foreign policy aspects of the country. Short-and long-term programmes, projects and strategies have been adopted by President Nazarbayev in order to gradually resolve these problems coloborating the country. In the second part of the study, general information about the functions and classification of international organizations is given and the importance of multilateralism and international organizations for Kazakhstan is described. In the third chapter, relations and outcomes are examined in the example of some international organizations. Keywords: Kazakhstan, Foreign Policy, Security, International Organizations, Integration.

Uluslararası ilişkiler sistemi pek çok defa dönüşmüş, dönüşümlere de çoğunlukla savaşlar yol açmıştır. Ancak Boris Yeltsin, Stanislav Şuşkeciç ve Leonid Kravçuk, 'Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetleri Birliği'nin uluslararası hukukun bir öznesi ve bir jeopolitik gerçeklik olarak varlığını sona erdirmekle' bu defa ılımlı bir değişimi tetiklemişlerdir. 1991 Belovejsk Antlaşması ile birlikte Rusya, dönüşmüş ve beraberinde sistemi de dönüştürmüştür. Bu tez, Rus dış politikasında yaşanan değişimde Asya'nın ne yönde ve ölçüde rol oynadığına odaklanmaktadır. Çalışma, Putin dönemi ile sınırlandırılmış ve inşacı yaklaşımla ele alınmıştır. Tezin kavramsal çerçevesi buna göre çizilmiş ve Rus dış politikasında meydana gelen dönüşümler maddi ve normatif açıdan değerlendirilmiştir. Rusya açısından Asya'yı temsil eden Çin, Hindistan ve Japonya, tezin odaklandığı aktörler olmuş ve bu ülkeleri ile Rusya'nın hem ikili hem çok taraflı ilişkileri incelenmiştir. Nihayetinde ise Asya ile Rusya'nın karşılıklı ilişkileri yapı-yapan etkileşimi bağlamında değerlendirilmiş ve yaşanan sosyal inşa sürecinin Rus dış politikası üzerindeki dönüştürücü etkisi ortaya konmuştur. Bu tezde, Asya'nın çoğunlukla Çin tarafından temsil edildiği ve Rusya'yı inisiyatif almaya zorladığı sonucuna ulaşılmıştır. Ulaşılan bir başka önemli sonuç ise Rusya, Çin ve Hindistan gibi aktörler arasındaki işbirliğinin çok kutupluluk iddiası çerçevesinde geliştirildiğidir. ; The system of international relations has transformed quite a lot and wars have mostly led to these transformations. However, Boris Yeltsin, Stanislav Shushkecic and Leonid Kravchuk have triggered a moderate change this time by 'dissolving the existence of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics as a subject of international law and as a geopolitical reality'. With the Belovejsk Agreement in 1991, Russia was transformed and concomitantly transformed the system. This thesis study focuses on how and to what extent Asia plays a role in the change experienced in Russian foreign policy. The study is limited to the Putin period and addressed with the constructivist approach. The conceptual framework of the thesis is formed accordingly and the transformations in Russian foreign policy are evaluated in terms of material and normative aspects. China, India and Japan, representing Asia from the perspective of Russia, have been the actors that the thesis has focussed on and both bilateral and multilateral relations of these countries with Russia have been examined. Eventually, the relations between Asia and Russia have been assessed within the context of the structure-agent interaction and the transformative effect of the social construction process on Russian foreign policy has been revealed. In this thesis, it has been concluded that Asia was mostly represented by China and it forced Russia to take the initiative. Another crucial conclusion is that the cooperation between actors such as Russia, China and India was formed within the framework of the claim of multipolarity.

Uluslararası İlişkilerde tartışmasız gelişmelerden biri diplomasi alanında gerçekleşmiştir. 21. yüzyıl ile beraber devletler arası diplomasi, bünyesine giren pek çok unsur ile beraber daha karışık bir hal almıştır. Devlet birimleri ve ekonomik aktörlere ek olarak insani ve toplumsal yapılar da diplomasinin aktif aktörleri haline gelmişlerdir. Bu sebeple diplomatik hedef ve davranışlar başarılı olabilmeleri için siyasal ve ekonomik sahalarla beraber sosyal ve cemiyet hayatının da pek çok safhasına hitap etmek durumundadırlar. Türk dış politikası da bu çerçevede özellikle Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisinin etkisinde ciddi bir değişim geçirmiştir. Bunlar içinde en belirgini ise giderek hızlanan proaktivitesidir. Bazı analizcilerin Yeni Osmanlıcılık olarak adlandırmış olduğu bu değişimler başlangıçtaki endişeleri haksız çıkaracak şekilde Türkiye'nin ABD ve AB gibi tarihi ve stratejik ortaklarıyla ilişkilerini koparmamıştır. Bunun aksine söz konusu değişiklikler Türk dış politikasına daha geniş bir odak ve daha öte bir eşik sunmuştur. Bu hareketlilik sadece ekonomi ve diplomasi ile işlememiş ancak Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun kültür mirasını da bünyesine katmıştır. Bu mirasa yakın olan devletleri de öncelik olarak ele almıştır. Bu makale ilgili kültürel yakınlık unsurları ve değerlerinin proaktif bir dış politikaya ne derece katkıda bulunacağını işlemektedir. Bu çerçevede Bangladeş örnek olay incelemesi hem literatürde çok az bir değerlendirmeye sahip olduğundan faydalı hem de sosyo-kültürel yakınlık ve ortaklıkların bozulan ilişkileri toparlamada ne derece başarılı olduğunu göstermede açık ve güncel bir örnek teşkil etmektedir ; An undisputed development in International Relations occurred in diplomacy. With the 21st century state-to-state diplomacy was diluted with the inclusion of several actors. In addition to state agencies and business circles, human and societal elements also became active actors of diplomacy. Therefore diplomatic actions in order to be successful need to cover many segments of social life in addition to politico-economic aspects. Turkish foreign policy, more clearly with Justice and Development Party (AKP) underwent through several changes. The most obvious one was its spurred proactivity. In contrast with the preliminary concerns, these changes, which were named by several analysts as neo-Ottomanism, did not tear off Turkey's relations with its historical and strategic allies, i.e. the US and the EU. Yet, they gave Turkish foreign policy an expanded focus and an extended outreach. This proactivity did not only operate via economy or diplomacy but also merged with the cultural heritage of Ottoman Empire and its commonalities shared by several countries in Turkey's very and far away neighborhoods. Although AKP's proactivity was more heavily felt in the Middle East, its waves hit Asia-Pacific as well. This article aims to elaborate how much of a contribution these cultural commonalities could/could have provided to AKP elites' diplomatic aims. Bangladesh in this sense is an important example since it was not a well-elaborated example in the literature and also depicts how quickly these commonalities could heal impaired bilateral relations with Turkey

ÖZETAVRUPA BİRLİĞİ'NE GİRİŞ SÜRECİNDE EĞİTİM VE İSTİHDAM POLİTİKALARIBu çalışmada, 1990 sonrası, yeni aktörler ve yeni talepler ışığında, eğitimin giderek daha fazla istihdam politikalarının belirleyenleri altına sokulduğu bir süreçte, Türkiye ve Avrupa Birliği'nde eğitim politikalarının yapılanması incelenmiştir. Gerilimler temelinde bir çatışma ve inşa süreci içerisinde yapılanan eğitim politikaları, talepler, yasalar ve projeler düzleminde ele alınmıştır.Sermaye birikim sürecindeki yeni yapılanmalara paralel eğitim-istihdam arasında kuvvetlendirilen ilişkileri inceleyen bu çalışma üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. Çalışmanın ilk bölümü diğer bölümlere giriş niteliğinde olup eğitim-toplum ilişkisi, eğitimin işlevleri, eğitim-istihdam ilişkisinin tarihsel gelişimi, kapitalist toplumda değer yaratıcı güç olan emek gücünün eğitim kurumlarında sosyal olarak üretimi anlatılmıştır. Çalışmanın ana bölümünü oluşturan ikinci bölüm ise, Türkiye'de eğitim-istihdam ilişkisinin gelişiminde sermaye grupları ve sendikaların taleplerinin, bu taleplerin yasalarla ve projelerle yaşama geçirildiği alan olarak devletin incelendiği, Türkiye'nin 1990 sonrası eğitim politikalarının olgusal analizinden meydana gelmektedir. Son bölümde ise liberal kesimler tarafından referans olarak gösterilen ya da genel olarak muhalif kesimler tarafından bize politika dayatan bir oluşum olarak gösterilen Avrupa Birliği'nin eğitim politikalarında geçirdiği dönüşüm, bu döşümün aktörleri ve Türkiye ile arasındaki bezerlikler ve farklılıklar ele alınmıştır. ABSTRACTPOLICIES OF EDUCATION AND EMPLOYMENT IN THE INTEGRATION PERIOD WITH EUROPEAN UNION In this study, the structuring of education politics in Turkey and European Union's after 1990, which is more and more put under the effect of employment politics is investigated in the light of new actors and demands. Education politics that is structured in a process of conflict and construction, are examined in the realm of demands, laws and projects.This study, which investigates relations that is sustained between education and employment policies that are parallel to the new structurings of capital accumulation process, consists of three parts. The first part of the study has an introductory aspect, and in that part the relation between education and society, functions of education, the historical development of the relation between education and employment, and the social production of labour force that generates value in capitalist society in educational instutitions are elaborated. The second part of the study, being the main part, consists of the factual analysis of educational policies of Turkey after 1990's, where the demands of trade-unions and capital groups in the development of the relation between education and employment, and the state as the domain in which these demands are actualized with laws and projects are analysed. In the final part, the transformation of educational policies in the European Union, which, as a constitution, is represented as a reference or as having a character of imposing politics to Turkey by liberal communities and the opposition respectively, the actors of this transformations and similarities and differences between Turkey and the European Union in this subject are discussed.

ÖZETKÖRFEZ ARAP İŞBİRLİĞİ KONSEYİ ÜLKELERİNİN EKONOMİK VE SOSYAL GELİŞİMLERİNİN İNCELENMESİ: TÜRKİYE-KİK İLİŞKİLERİKörfez İşbirliği Konseyi'ne (KİK) üye ülkeler Basra Körfezine kıyısı olan 6 Arap ülkesinden oluşmaktadırlar. Petrol ihracatçısı olarak bilinen bu ülkeler gelir seviyeleri açısından Ortadoğu'daki ülkelere göre daha zengin ülkelerdir. Monarşi sistemiyle yönetilen bu Arap ülkeleri özellikle dış yatırımlarıyla dikkat çekmektedirler.Türkiye, KİK üyeleriyle 2000'li yıllardan sonra ciddi anlamda ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkiler geliştirmeye başlamıştır. Özellikle Katar, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri (BAE) ve Suudi Arabistan ile ekonomik ve ticari ilişkiler her geçen gün daha çok gelişmektedir. KİK ülkeleri Türkiye'de özellikle emlak, turizm, finans ve değerli madenler sektöründe önemli yatırımlar yapmaktadır. Türkiye ise Körfez ülkelerine yapılan ihracat tekstil-konfeksiyon, gıda, makine ve birçok sektörde ürün ve hizmet pazarlamaktadır.Ancak Ortadoğu'nun doğası gereği siyasi ilişkiler her zaman olumlu seyir izlememektedir. Özellikle Suriye ve Irak iç savaşları, Arap Baharıyla meydana gelen siyasi değişimler ülkelerin taraf olmalarında ya da birlikte hareket etmelerinde birçok zorluklar çıkarmıştır. Bu çalışmada Türkiye'nin Körfez İşbirliği Konseyine bağlı altı ülke ile ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkileri ele alınmıştır. Çalışmada KİK üyesi ülkeler olan Suudi Arabistan, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri, Kuveyt, Katar, Umman ve Bahreyn'in ekonomik ve siyasi yapıları incelenmiş, bu ülkelerin 2000 sonrası Türkiye ile ilişkilerine yer verilmiş ve Türkiye'nin bu ülkelerle olan ilişkilerinde dikkate alması gereken faktörler sıralanmıştır --- ABSTRACTECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL: TURKEY-GCC RELATIONSThe Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is composed of six Arab countries in the coastal region of the Persian Gulf. These countries, known as oil exporters, are richer in terms of income levels regards the other countries in the Middle East region. These Arab countries, managed based on the monarchy system, attract enormous attention on their foreign investments.By 2000s Turkey began to enhance economic and political relations with JCC members seriously. Especially, the economic and commercial relationships with Qatar, United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia are developing more and more. GCC countries are conducting significant investments in Turkey particularly in various sectors such as, real estate, tourism, finance and precious metals. As well, Turkey provides essential cooperation in service and marketing sectors to Gulf countries through the exportation of the required textile-clothing, food, machinery, etc.However, due to their nature, political relations with the Middle East are not always conducted in a positive manner. Regards the current Syria and Iraq civil wars, the political changes that took place in Arab Spring sessions, resulted in difficulties to the aforementioned relationships. In this study, Turkey's economic and political relations with these six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council are discussed. Accordingly, the economic and political structures of these GCC members including, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain are evaluated. As well, the relation of these countries with respect to Turkey after 2000s are involved and details of the essential aspects for an efficient relation with these countries are proposed.

ÖZET KÖRFEZ ARAP İŞBİRLİĞİ KONSEYİ ÜLKELERİNİN EKONOMİK VE SOSYAL GELİŞİMLERİNİN İNCELENMESİ: TÜRKİYE-KİK İLİŞKİLERİ Körfez İşbirliği Konseyi'ne (KİK) üye ülkeler Basra Körfezine kıyısı olan 6 Arap ülkesinden oluşmaktadırlar. Petrol ihracatçısı olarak bilinen bu ülkeler gelir seviyeleri açısından Ortadoğu'daki ülkelere göre daha zengin ülkelerdir. Monarşi sistemiyle yönetilen bu Arap ülkeleri özellikle dış yatırımlarıyla dikkat çekmektedirler. Türkiye, KİK üyeleriyle 2000'li yıllardan sonra ciddi anlamda ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkiler geliştirmeye başlamıştır. Özellikle Katar, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri (BAE) ve Suudi Arabistan ile ekonomik ve ticari ilişkiler her geçen gün daha çok gelişmektedir. KİK ülkeleri Türkiye'de özellikle emlak, turizm, finans ve değerli madenler sektöründe önemli yatırımlar yapmaktadır. Türkiye ise Körfez ülkelerine yapılan ihracat tekstil-konfeksiyon, gıda, makine ve birçok sektörde ürün ve hizmet pazarlamaktadır. Ancak Ortadoğu'nun doğası gereği siyasi ilişkiler her zaman olumlu seyir izlememektedir. Özellikle Suriye ve Irak iç savaşları, Arap Baharıyla meydana gelen siyasi değişimler ülkelerin taraf olmalarında ya da birlikte hareket etmelerinde birçok zorluklar çıkarmıştır. Bu çalışmada Türkiye'nin Körfez İşbirliği Konseyine bağlı altı ülke ile ekonomik ve siyasi ilişkileri ele alınmıştır. Çalışmada KİK üyesi ülkeler olan Suudi Arabistan, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri, Kuveyt, Katar, Umman ve Bahreyn'in ekonomik ve siyasi yapıları incelenmiş, bu ülkelerin 2000 sonrası Türkiye ile ilişkilerine yer verilmiş ve Türkiye'nin bu ülkelerle olan ilişkilerinde dikkate alması gereken faktörler sıralanmıştır --- ABSTRACT ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL DEVELOPMENTS OF THE COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL: TURKEY-GCC RELATIONS The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is composed of six Arab countries in the coastal region of the Persian Gulf. These countries, known as oil exporters, are richer in terms of income levels regards the other countries in the Middle East region. These Arab countries, managed based on the monarchy system, attract enormous attention on their foreign investments. By 2000s Turkey began to enhance economic and political relations with JCC members seriously. Especially, the economic and commercial relationships with Qatar, United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Saudi Arabia are developing more and more. GCC countries are conducting significant investments in Turkey particularly in various sectors such as, real estate, tourism, finance and precious metals. As well, Turkey provides essential cooperation in service and marketing sectors to Gulf countries through the exportation of the required textile-clothing, food, machinery, etc. However, due to their nature, political relations with the Middle East are not always conducted in a positive manner. Regards the current Syria and Iraq civil wars, the political changes that took place in Arab Spring sessions, resulted in difficulties to the aforementioned relationships. In this study, Turkey's economic and political relations with these six countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council are discussed. Accordingly, the economic and political structures of these GCC members including, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman and Bahrain are evaluated. As well, the relation of these countries with respect to Turkey after 2000s are involved and details of the essential aspects for an efficient relation with these countries are proposed.