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This article deals with the Czech writer Marie Majerová from a gender historical point of view. Majerová was well known as a communist author after World War Two, but is almost unknown as a feminist writer and activist of the interwar period. The study considers the ambiguity of her position. It primarily concentrates on Majerová as a journalist and activist in the field of women's education and emancipation before 1938. On the one hand, she sought to advocate the cause of humankind and the work of everybody, no matter what gender they were. On the other hand, she was positively fighting for womens' rights and their opportunity to express themselves and to take part in public life. Majerová's career serves as an example of a woman's position in the changing modern world in the first half of the twentieth century. At the same time, it demonstrates an individual approach to politics and life based on the will to change and to influence the world around her. In the final analysis, Majerová always remained more a writer than a politician. All her agitation was elaborately formulated, however spontaneous the actions behind it, and she never became a professional politician. ; This article deals with the Czech writer Marie Majerová from a gender historical point of view. Majerová was well known as a communist author after World War Two, but is almost unknown as a feminist writer and activist of the interwar period. The study considers the ambiguity of her position. It primarily concentrates on Majerová as a journalist and activist in the field of women's education and emancipation before 1938. On the one hand, she sought to advocate the cause of humankind and the work of everybody, no matter what gender they were. On the other hand, she was positively fighting for womens' rights and their opportunity to express themselves and to take part in public life. Majerová's career serves as an example of a woman's position in the changing modern world in the first half of the twentieth century. At the same time, it demonstrates an individual approach to politics and life based on the will to change and to influence the world around her. In the final analysis, Majerová always remained more a writer than a politician. All her agitation was elaborately formulated, however spontaneous the actions behind it, and she never became a professional politician.

Due to the conception of women as ›physical reproducers‹ of the imagined community called nation, the german-nationalist discourse around 1900 discussed the ›beauty‹, the ›otherness‹, the ›motherhood‹, the ›healthiness‹ and ›illness‹ of the female body. The aim of the german-nationalist conceptions of the female body was a dissociation from people of other nations as well as an exclusion of those social groups who were considered as posing a threat to the nation from within. Imaginations of female body served to establish a national and gendered division of labour and to invent a historical ›Germanic‹ tradition. The female body was functionalized as a metaphor for the »Volks-Körper«, leading to its image of being the ›border of the nation‹. German-nationalist body-conceptions rejected women's efforts for political participation and authorized the oppression of self-determined behaviour of women. Female activists of the Südmark had to face these powerful images in nearly every sphere of life. However, german-nationalist female politicians and activists made use of the ambivalences of the national body conceptions to develop their own strategies of political behaviour. ; Due to the conception of women as ›physical reproducers‹ of the imagined community called nation, the german-nationalist discourse around 1900 discussed the ›beauty‹, the ›otherness‹, the ›motherhood‹, the ›healthiness‹ and ›illness‹ of the female body. The aim of the german-nationalist conceptions of the female body was a dissociation from people of other nations as well as an exclusion of those social groups who were considered as posing a threat to the nation from within. Imaginations of female body served to establish a national and gendered division of labour and to invent a historical ›Germanic‹ tradition. The female body was functionalized as a metaphor for the »Volks-Körper«, leading to its image of being the ›border of the nation‹. German-nationalist body-conceptions rejected women's efforts for political participation and authorized the oppression of self-determined behaviour of women. Female activists of the Südmark had to face these powerful images in nearly every sphere of life. However, german-nationalist female politicians and activists made use of the ambivalences of the national body conceptions to develop their own strategies of political behaviour.

Sowohl aktuelle städtische Klimapolitik, als auch klimaaktivistische Bewegungen weisen energetischer Gebäudesanierung einen hohen Stellenwert zu. Hinweise auf die sozialräumlichen Implikationen verstärkter energetischer Sanierung finden sich jedoch zumeist weder auf städtischer, noch auf klimaaktivistischer Seite. Sowohl aktuelle städtische Klimapolitik, als auch klimaaktivistische Bewegungen weisen energetischer Gebäudesanierung einen hohen Stellenwert zu. Hinweise auf die sozialräumlichen Implikationen verstärkter energetischer Sanierung finden sich jedoch zumeist weder auf städtischer, noch auf klimaaktivistischer Seite. Gleichzeitig wächst in vielen Mieter_inneninitiativen die Skepsis gegenüber energetischer Sanierung und damit einhergehenden Belastungs- und Verdrängungseffekten. Am Beispiel der Stadt Kiel und dem einkommensschwachen Stadtteil Gaarden diskutiert dieser Beitrag die Konfliktfelder, die durch eine stadtpolitisch motivierte, aber privatwirtschaftlich umzusetzende energetische Sanierung entstehen. Diesen Konfliktfeldern liegen strukturelle Probleme zugrunde, die im Rahmen aktueller und zukünftiger energetischer Sanierungsbemühungen existierende Verarmungs- und Verdrängungsdynamiken auf Quartiersebene verstärken. Dieser Beitrag plädiert daher für die konzeptionelle Verknüpfung sozialer und ökologischer Bedürfnisse im Sinne klimagerechten Wohnens sowohl auf akademischer als auch auf aktivistischer Seite. ; Both, current urban climate policy and climate activist movements assign a high priority to energy-efficient building refurbishment. However, the socio-spatial implications of increased energy refurbishment are mostly absent from both urban policy and climate activist demands. At the same time, many tenant initiatives are increasingly skeptical about energy-efficient refurbishment and the associated burdening and displacement effects. Using the example of the city of Kiel and the low-income district of Gaarden, this article discusses the areas of conflict that arise from energy-efficient refurbishment motivated by urban policy but which must be implemented by the private sector. These areas of conflict are based on structural problems that reinforce existing impoverishment and displacement dynamics at neighborhood level in the context of current and future energy-related refurbishment efforts. This contribution therefore advocates the conceptual linkage of social and ecological needs in the sense of climate-just housing, both on the academic and the activist side.

Aktivistische Leerverkäufe verursachen nicht erst seit dem Wirtschaftskrimi »Wirecard« eine rege Diskussion in Literatur und Öffentlichkeit. Kritiker des Geschäftsmodells werfen den Akteuren regelmäßig vor, falsche Informationen zu streuen und so einen künstlichen Kursverfall zu verursachen. Dagegen verstehen sich die Leerverkäufer als Verfechter der Meinungsfreiheit, die Informationsasymmetrien am Kapitalmarkt abbauen und damit die Kapitalmarkteffizienz verbessern. Die Erfahrungen im Fall »Wirecard« verdeutlichen das Erfordernis eines unvoreingenommenen Standpunktes, den die Arbeit bei der Untersuchung der gegenwärtigen rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen aktivistischer Leerverkäufe einnimmt. Ausgangspunkt ist dabei die ökonomische Bewertung von aktivistischen Leerverkäufen. Auf dieser Bewertung basierend werden die normativen Grenzen herausgearbeitet, um so zu überprüfen, inwieweit diese gesetzlichen Regelungen mit den ökonomischen Überlegungen übereinstimmen. Durch diese Vorgehensweise soll eine Abgrenzung zwischen den positiven und negativen Erscheinungsformen eines aktivistischen Leerverkaufs anhand der rechtlichen Instrumente ermöglicht werden. / »Activist Short Selling – Limits of Admissibility after the Short Selling- and Market Abuse-Regulation«: Activist Short Selling is widely discussed in literature and public not only since the case of "Wirecard". Starting from the economic value of this business model, this study analyzes its current legal framework and reviews, how the statutory law matches with the economic evaluation. Based on this approach, this work wants to provide a distinction with the use of the legal guidelines between the positive and negative forms of this business model.

Die Frauenbewegung um 1900 war nicht nur ein politischer Zusammenschluss, sondern auch zentraler Ort der Vergemeinschaftung von Frauen. Ob sich Aktivistinnen im Frauenklub verabredeten, sich auf Kongressen zu Hunderten trafen oder in einer Damenwohnung das tägliche Leben miteinander teilten – die Bewegung ermöglichte vielfältige, intime Beziehungen und Praxen zwischen Frauen. Für die Deutung dieser Verhältnisse war die Kategorie der Respektabilität wesentlich wichtiger als die Frage nach womöglich praktizierten sexuellen Beziehungen. Die um 1900 popularisierte Unterscheidung zwischen Homo- und Heterosexualität perspektivierte diese Lebensmodelle neu. Elisa Heinrich fragt in ihrer Studie nach den Aushandlungsprozessen der Akteurinnen und beleuchtet Bedingungen und Folgen dieses Übergangs. The women's movement was not only a place of political debate. A large number of activists spent most of their time among women – at women's clubs, as female couples or in so-called ladies' apartments. Respectability played a significant role in these circles. Whether or not a relationship or behavior was considered "respectable" was much more important than whether someone entered into homo- or heterosexual relationships. This gradually growing distinction – popularized by sexology since the second half of the 19th century – placed the intimate relationships within the women's movement into new normative contexts. Elisa Heinrich both examines the discursive negotiation of female homosexuality by women's activists and sheds light on the conditions and consequences of this significant transition.

Die überproportionale Beteiligung jüdischer Südafrikaner am Kampf gegen die Apartheid über fast fünf Jahrzehnte ist erklärungsbedürftig. Ihre Bereitschaft, das eigene Leben für die Befreiung vom rassistisch begründeten weißen Minderheitsregime zu riskieren, war keineswegs selbstverständlich. Die Begründungen und Biographien der Aktivisten lassen jedoch eindeutige Rückschlüsse und Erklärungen auf ihre Motivation zu. Eine »jüdische Erfahrung« von Antisemitismus und Ausgrenzung durch die weiße Minderheit, aber auch von Anpassungsdruck und Ächtung innerhalb der jüdischen Gemeinschaft, konstituieren diesen Erfahrungsraum. Partikulare jüdische Erfahrungen wurden von ihnen in universelle Leitmotive übersetzt. Ihre Freundschaften, die sich durch die politische Arbeit entwickelten, zeigten ihnen einen Weg aus der diskriminierenden Wirklichkeit hin zu einer nicht-rassistischen Zukunft. Vermittelt über die Kommunistische Partei war es den jüdischen Aktivisten möglich, nicht nur in der theoretisch die Farbschranke, die das Apartheid-Regime immer weiter ausbaute, zu überschreiten, sondern sie vermochten es unter ihren Genossen Beziehungen und Freundschaften als Gleiche zu entwickeln. Dieses existenzielle Verhalten war, wie auch die Theorie universeller, Unterschiede überkommender Befreiung, eine Antwort auf die Demütigungen und Herausforderungen, die die Apartheid ihnen stellte. Als »nicht-jüdische Juden« überschritten sie die Grenzen des Partikularismus. Joe Slovo, Ruth First oder Rica Hogdson sahen ihre Hoffnung auf Anerkennung als Gleiche in einem neuen Südafrika, in welchem die rassistischen Spaltungen überwunden und ein gemeinsames Verständnis nicht als Weiße oder Schwarze sondern als Südafrikaner die Nation eine. Ins Exil getrieben führten sie von London aus ihren Kampf in der Anti-Apartheid-Bewegung und dem African National Congress fort. Unter ihrem Einfluss entwickelten sich beide Organisationen zu den maßgeblichen Repräsentanten des Widerstands. Die jüdischen Aktivisten stellten das Rückgrat beider Organisationen, bis beide in den 1980er Jahren als Massenbewegungen Wirkungsmacht entfalten konnten. Wer von ihnen in den 1990er Jahren zurückkehrte war unmittelbar in den Aufbau des Landes involviert. Noch heute repräsentieren Mitglieder dieser Gruppe den nicht-rassistischen Charakter des nationalen Befreiungskampfes Südafrikas. ; The disproportionate participation of Jewish South Africans in the struggle against Apartheid needs some explaining. Their willingness to risk their own lives for the liberation from white minority rule was not at all self-evident. Their biographies and their own rationale provide unambiguous conclusions and explanations for their motivation. A "Jewish experience" of Antisemitism and exclusion by the white minority and also pressure to conform and ostracism by the Jewish community constitute the distinct realm of experience. The activists translated particular Jewish experiences into universal leitmotifs. Their friendship which developed through political work indicated a way out of the discriminating present to a non-racial future. By joining the Communist Party, the activists gained the opportunity to cross the colour bar which the Apartheid regime successively drew closer and closer not only theoretically but to explore relations and friendship amongst their comrades as equals. This existential attitude as well as the theory of universal, discrimination overcoming liberation had been an answer to the humiliations and challenges which Apartheid posed. As 'non-jewish Jews' the activists crossed the boundaries of particularism. Joe Slovo, Ruth First or Rica Hodgson hoped to be acknowledged as equals in a new South Arica in which racist rule and division had been overcome and in which a shared understanding as South Africans not as whites or blacks unified the nation. Driven into exile they continued their struggle from London as part of the Anti-Apartheid Movement and the African National Congress. Under their influence both organisations grew into the main representatives of the resistance movement. Until the 1980s, the Jewish activists were the backbone of both bodies, when AAM and ANC unfolded as mass movements. Activists that returned to South Africa in the 1990s immediately became involved in the reconstruction of the country. Even today members of this distinct group stand for the non-racial character of the struggle for national liberation in South Africa.

Cover ReClaiming Participation -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- I. PARTICIPATORY PRACTICES AND DIGITAL MEDIA -- Introduction: Objects of Citizen Participation -- Collectives, Connectives, and the 'Nonsense' of Participation -- Editors of Play. Scripts of Participation in Co-Creative Media -- Multimodal Crowd Sensing -- Micro-activist Affordances of Disability. Transformative Potential of Participation -- II. PARTICIPATION AND THE CLAIMS OF COMMUNITY -- Introduction: Questioning Community

On March 30th, 2021, the city newspaper Hannoversche Allgemeine (HAZ) reported that the city of Hannover cancelled a lecture by Professor Helmut Bley, a renowned historian of colonialism in Africa, because an activist group, Initiative für Diskriminierungssensibilität und Rassismuskritik (IDiRa), that was also invited as a discussant, protested.[1] Professor Bley was scheduled to speak about […]
Der Beitrag On Cancel Culture erschien zuerst auf Philosophie InDebate.

The author deals with practices and debates on migration and ethnic differences, racism and anti-racism in the context of feminist activism in Vienna. In a longitudinal analysis from the 1980s to the 2010s, the work examines how white feminist activists negotiate powerful ethnicized differences - in explicit speech as well as implicit action. Last but not least, the question is how these practices not only construct the 'other', but also produce the 'own'.

The author deals with practices and debates on migration and ethnic differences, racism and anti-racism in the context of feminist activism in Vienna. In a longitudinal analysis from the 1980s to the 2010s, the work examines how white feminist activists negotiate powerful ethnicized differences - in explicit speech as well as implicit action. Last but not least, the question is how these practices not only construct the 'other', but also produce the 'own'.

During the worldwide protests to stop the war against Iraq, surveys of activists were conducted in seven countries. Here, results are presented from a questionnaire-based study among protesters participating in the largest German peace rally in Berlin. Findings reveal that the majority of the protesters are highly educated & young, politically active, & oriented toward the Left. They trust social movements & organizations critical of globalization much more than established political actors. Adapted from the source document.

Though parties need to modernize their structures, Losche points out the importance of long-standing party activists. The social democratic election campaign should be based to a larger extent on the existing organizational structure. The campaign was not sufficiently oriented toward loyal voters. Additionally, a party in government should coordinate its election campaign in the chancellor's office, which was only the case in the last phase of the campaign. Adapted from the source document.