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An examination of all the extant, provenanced depictions of composite beings, Mischwesen, in Neo-Babylonian iconography sheds important new light on the worldview of the last great Mesopotamian civilization. The types of hybrids that are portrayed include such disparate forms as the apkallu and the genius in human form, as well as creatures based on bulls, lions, canines, winged quadrupeds, fish, birds, scorpions, and snakes. Each composite being is analyzed in terms of its physical components, its context within scenes, its historical development, and its interpretation in NB texts. Within the hierarchical cosmic community, some lower deities and sub-divine beings appear in composite form. These play a key role in the cosmos by interacting with gods, with each other, with humans, and with natural animals. Their behavior parallels dynamics found in natural life, such as in competition, conflict, predation, protection, and in the service of others who are more powerful. In hybrids the capabilities of natural animals and humans are heightened by the selective addition of features derived from other species. There is no consistent correlation, however, between the strength of a natural creature and the relative power of the superhuman being that it symbolizes, or between its physical complexity and its placement in the cosmic hierarchy. In fact, the transcendence of high gods is often emphasized by their simple representation through attribute animals in natural form.Portrayals of composite beings often express the need for protection from malevolent powers by beneficent beings, some of whom can be accessed only through human mediators, such as ritual functionaries. Special relationships between supernatural beings and elite humans, especially the king, make such humans indispensable and therefore support their roles in the existing social order. It appears that the choice of a particular being portrayed on a given object could be influenced by factors such as its owner's profession, religious and/or political affiliations, and especially by the apotropaic function(s) of specific composite beings.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Christos Loukos, The political and ideological conflicts in post-war Syros and the Hermoupolis' mayor Epaminondas Pappadam We observe, in the micro scale of Syros, the defeat of expectations held by many Greeks that after the liberation a democratic society, just to all citizens, would arise and that the new government would punish the collaborators of Italian and German conquerors and all those who became rich by exploiting the misery of the people through the black market. This article examines the short tenure of the first post-war mayor of Hermoupolis, Epaminondas Pappadam, and how his overthrow was pursued because he insisted in his democratic and antiroyalist convictions. The overthrow was prepared by individuals and groups of people who had served the Metaxas' dictatorial regime, and more than others were exposed to the accusation of collaborating with the enemy and they looked forward to the return of King George II as the only stable guarantee for maintaining their leadership role. Their aims were facilitated by the tragic events of December 1944 in Athens. Backed by the presence of several Sacred Battalion's officers, British officers and other military forces at Syros, they succeeded, not only to marginalize the EAM's small military force in the island and their supporters, but also to prohibit with offensive behavior every act which was not compatible with their aims. Under those circumstances, Pappadam should have overthrown. He was not a communist, not an EAM's supporter either, but he insisted to be against the king's return and supported the necessity of a conciliatory solution for the social and political contrasts. Besides, his overthrow would function, in a symbolic level, as a warning for forcing into obedience those, less powerful than the mayor, who resisted to the forthcoming settlement of the Greek constitutional and political issue.

El pueblo embera catío del Alto Sinú habita en el Nudo de Paramillo (curso alto del río Sinú en la cordillera Occidental de los Andes colombianos) desde tiempos ancestrales. Pese a las circunstancias que los han rodeado, conservan parte de su cultura y han procurado mantener sus formas de gobierno y las relaciones sociales que rigen la vida en comunidad. No obstante, la construcción de la hidroeléctrica Urrá I, enfrentó al pueblo embera catío al deterioro de una parte importante de su territorio, perdiendo lugares sagrados y tierras para cultivo, así como al surgimiento de conflictos sociales que anteriormente desconocían. Esta situación obligó a este grupo indígena a modificar sus costumbres sociales y organizativas, y a adaptarse a las nuevas condiciones del medio. Este trabajo muestra un paralelo entre el antes y el después de la construcción de la hidroeléctrica Urrá I y los efectos posteriores que sobre la organización social y política, trajo el represamiento del río. ; The Embera Catio people live in the Nudo de Paramillo (High Sinu River, Western Mountain Chain at Colombian Andes) since ancient times. Despite the circumstances that have surrounded them, they retain part of their culture and have sought to keep their forms of government and social relationships that govern life in community. However, the construction of the Urra I hydroelectric encountered the Embera Catio with the deterioration of a significant part of their territory, losing sacred sites and lands for cultivation, as well as the emergence of social conflicts they were previously unaware of. This situation forced the Indigenous group to change its social and organizational behavior, and to adapt to new environmental conditions. This work shows a parallel between before and after the construction of the Urra I hydroelectric and subsequent effects on social and political organization brought by the river damming.

The author of this paper has the intention to reach the new meaning and sense
of the primitive mentality by analyzing it in early social communities. He
also wants to point out the possible reflections of the spirit and
consciousness of our ancestors on us, here and now. The first part of the
paper is dedicated to a critical deliberation on anthropological conflicts
which have arisen concerning the reasoning power of the so-called primitives.
The crucial question lies in the following: Is the difference between the
?primitive? and the ?civilized? mentality fundamental or is it possible only
to a certain degree. The author takes the notion of primitive mentality
through time and points to the medieval understandings, which are occupied by
teratological themes, then to the renaissance comprehension, which relies on
the first experiential observations, and, finally, to the enlightenment ideas
of exotic peoples out of which the myth of ?the good savage? is born. The
nineteenth and twentieth centuries introduce the notions of ?people?s
character? and ?national spirit?. The opinions are polarized, on the one hand
of ethnocentrism, carried by the prejudice of people and ethnic groups and,
on the other hand, of cultural relativism, based on the understanding and
appreciation of cultural differences. In the end, the author also recognizes
the modern primitive man, one who is not ready to deal with the challenges of
his age. The modern primitive recalls the spirits of the past, the surviving
and anachronic models of behavior, unaware of the fact that these are the
same models that he has ascribed to ?savages?. However, while such thinking
and acting was justified by the cultural level at which our ancestors had
lived, the mental frame of the contemporary primitives is significantly in
contrast with the high level of civilization development.

Since the 1994 publication of 'Bringing It All Back Home', commentators have raised a variety of questions and criticisms. Subsequently published applications of our book's new class theory of households, by ourselves and others, have raised new issues not foreseen when we first developed the theory. In this paper we will address the major points of these reactions in ways that extend the class analysis of households well beyond our book and the literature it provoked and informed. The following topic areas will sequentially structure our presentation: children, interactions between the class structures of households and of enterprises, the class complexity of the household budget, class contradictions between households and enterprises, fathers' household labor, and when children become household serfs. A short addendum addresses households from which class is absent because production there has dwindled and only consumption remains. Analyzing these new topics broadens and deepens two central points of our 1994 work. First, by conceiving class processes and contradictions and struggles over class as components of households, we can explore how class directly affects all the other, nonclass dimensions of those households: affective, marital, political, sexual, parental, financial, and so forth. We can show in particular how the class structure of households influences in contradictory ways (1) parents' rearing of children, (2) household budgets, and (3) father's household labor. Our analysis demonstrates and underscores how the good and bad of family life are intimately connected to class. Second, we will further develop or analysis of the interaction between household and enterprise class structures. Here we will stress how individuals are shaped by class processes, contradictions, and conflicts not only on the job but also and differently at home. Marxian analyses need to recognize this differential shaping to understand better the complexity of individual behavior including, as we will emphasize, its contradictory nature.

Moral values influence individual behavior and social interactions. A specially significant instance is the case of moral values concerning work effort. Individuals determine what they take to be proper behaviour and judge the others, and themselves, accordingly. They increase their esteem -and self-esteem- for those who perform in excess of the standard and decrease their esteem for those who work less. These changes in self-esteem result from the self-regulatory emotions of guilt or pride extensively studied in Social Psychology. We examine the interactions between sentiments, individual behaviour and the social contract in a model of rational voting over redistribution where individual self-esteem and relative esteem for others are endogenously determined. Individuals differ in their productivities. The desired extent of redistribution depends both on individual income and on individual attitudes toward others. We characterize the politico-economic equilibria in which sentiments, labor supply and redistribution are simultaneously determined. The model has two types of equilibria. In "cohesive" equilibria, all individuals conform to the standard of proper behaviour, income inequality is low and social esteem is not biased toward any particular type. Under these conditions equilibrium redistribution increases in response to larger inequality. In a "clustered" equilibrium skilled workers work above the mean while unskilled workers work below. In such an equilibrium, income inequality is large and sentiments are biased in favor of the industrious. As inequality increases, this bias may eventually overtake the egoistic demand for greater taxation and equilibrium redistribution decreases. The type of equilibrium that emerges crucially depends on inequality. We contrast the predictions of the model with data on inequality, redistribution, work values and attitudes toward work and toward the poor for a set of OECD countries. ; Financial support from the Polarization and Conflict Project CIT-2-CT-2004-506084 funded by the European Commission-DG Research Sixth Framework Programme, Barcelona Economics (CREA), CICYT grant no. SEJ2006-00369, and the Instituto de Estudios Fiscales are gratefully acknowledged.

In this article, we begin to integrate two fields that have, until now, remained largely independent of one another: organizational justice and transaction-cost economics. Transaction costs consist of search, bargaining, monitoring, enforcement, and other costs not directly related to the production of goods or services. Usually such costs are attributed to difficulties in measurement (the metering problem) or difficulties in redeploying assets to alternative uses (asset specificity). These variables are thought to be objective features of economic transactions. Rarely are the social-psychological dimensions of these objective features taken into account. Although economic transactions are fundamentally human activities, human behavior in the economics literature is usually reduced to such simplifying assumptions as shirking and bounded rationality. In this article, we develop a model of transaction costs based on a more complete description of human psychology as it operates in exchange relationships.We argue that transaction costs are often due to the difficulty of evaluating the fairness of a specific exchange of goods and services. Besides asset specificity and the metering problem, which are treated in the transaction-cost economics literature, the organizational justice literature is especially relevant. Beginning with the work of Ouchi (1980), the paper examines some of the ways that the organizational justice literature complements transaction-cost economics. Because mechanisms that order economic transactions are essentially conflict-resolution structures, we develop a model of economic organization in which transaction costs are related to the perception of fairness in economic exchange. In the literature, governance mechanisms are selected so as to minimize transaction costs. Based on the organizational justice framework, we suggest that the transaction-cost calculus is affected by the perception of fairness in the exchange. In addition, the relationship between the governance mechanism and the perception of fairness is moderated by the elements of interactional justice that characterize the exchange.

Hindsight always appears better than foresight. Hopefully, the reexamination of past events will provide lessons for the future. Recent media reports have analyzed the genocide in Rwanda and blamed France, the United States, and the UN Security Council for their failures to take steps that might have prevented or stopped the atrocities. Academic studies also argue how the atrocities in Chechnya, Kosovo, and East Timor may have been prevented or stopped by the United Nations or others in the international community. Such analyses are for international relations authorities and military experts. As an international lawyer, I am reluctant to tread in those domains. For me, the question is whether changes in international law might modify the behavior of major international actors such as states, intergovernmental organizations, and nongovernmental organizations. In the future, they might be better prepared if situations like Chechnya, Kosovo, or East Timor were to arise. Certainly, there is no lack of international law condemning the atrocities that took place in those territories. The existence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY)--with authority to prosecute persons who committed international crimes in Kosovo--did not appear to deter Slobodan Milosevic and his supporters in their drive to crush the Kosovo independence movement and ethnically cleanse the region. No international criminal tribunal had jurisdiction over the Russian actions in Chechnya. While some hope that the establishment of the permanent International Criminal Court (ICC) will deter the commission of international crimes, its efficacy remains unproven. Samuel Huntington might chalk these events up to the inevitable clashes of civilizations during the "multipolar and multicivilizational" period he argues we have entered. While fate may be on the side of continuing and escalating conflicts of this nature, it is incumbent upon us to seek ways to minimize or eliminate recurrences of these events anywhere in the ...

International law, especially as it has been modified by the Charter of the United Nations, is grounded on actual or hypothetical agreements among sovereign states. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1948, and related agreements, set a standard of human rights to be observed by sovereign states. Neither the charter nor the declaration specify under what circumstances human rights violations may justify intervention and contravention of the rule of sovereignty. Despite the potential conflict between these two standards on international behavior, there is a widespread belief that a broad range of human rights are based on international law, and that international law is based on a foundation of universally recognized principles of morality. Moralpolitik, or a morally grounded foreign policy, if it is to have any practical significance, must be rooted in the moral consensus of the political community. There is no reason to assume that all communities will adopt universalistic, legalistic, and rights-based ethical systems. But the predominance of rights-based moral discourse has precluded consideration of alternative political moralities without providing for a hierarchical ordering of competing rights-based norms. In particular, popular moral discourse does not differentiate between humanitarian rights and political rights. Rights are claimed on individual grounds, cultural grounds, collective social grounds, and political grounds. Often these appeals derive from different and incompatible philosophical positions. For example, the goal of preserving the international system of sovereign states presupposes quite different values than the goal of diffusing democracy or preventing genocide. Although the material interests and the cultural perspectives of the victims of injustice may be invoked as of moral significance in imposing obligations on some or all states, the same sort of interests and perspectives of the states so obliged are rarely considered as a legitimate, integral part of their own moralpolitik.

In his far-reaching examination of multiculturalism, Kwame Anthony Appiah stresses the possibilities of maintaining a pluralistic culture of many identities and sub-cultures while retaining the civil and political practices that sustain national life in the classic sense. He begins with a discussion of what the word "culture" might mean, suggesting that "culture" and "identity" inevitably conflict in the emergence of the "individual." He engages Charles Taylor's proposal that sub-cultural identity should be a matter of state maintenance, problematizing certain contemporary methods of teaching multiculturalism, suggesting instead a more inclusive cultural education for a pluralistic society than is usually achieved by teaching culture only to those who belong to a particular community. With the example of French Canadians he illustrates that the interests of cultural preservation would not be satisfied if the language and social practice of French Canada were to be preserved by a group of Polynesians living on a remote island in the Pacific. This would not be acceptable because a consistent issue in nationalism and cultural survival is the desire to transmit culture, values and practices from one generation to another, hence the importance of participation by the state's educational system in maintaining culture and cultural plurality. Appiah warns against proscribing "correct" behavior to the life scripts of people whose difference--whether sexual, racial or national--has been constituted as part of their identity, since to do so would suggest the possibility of authentic and inauthentic life scripts and all the problems that attend like assumptions. Appiah concludes by suggesting that the possibilities of having a common set of institutions and a common culture in addition to the pluralistic identities of an open society is the difficult goal towards which we must strive. Commentaries by Jorge Klor de Alva (Ethnic Studies), David Hollinger (History) and Angela Harris (Law) draw out several of the themes suggested by Appiah's lecture.

Abstract
Significant work has been done on effects of the Holocaust on the second generation. Research shows there is a link between the parents' trauma and a variety of psychological symptoms in children of survivors. Children of Nazis have also been a topic of psychological and journalistic inquiry. The research suggests that many of these children experience conflict, shame, and personal guilt when dealing with their parents' Nazi past. The much discussed "inability to mourn" has been identified as the central reason for why these children were traumatized. These findings have been central to our awareness of the intergen-erational effects of the Holocaust. There is to date, however, no systematic research that compares the effects on these two groups of descendants. Thus, in an effort to advance research in this area, this study was undertaken to explore similarities between these two groups. Whereas previous studies have focused on the pathological effects of trauma on each group separately, the focus of this study was on comparative coping responses of individuals whose parents were involved in an extreme social injustice. An additional later aim is to study the interpersonal behavior between children of survivors and children of Nazis. The study consisted of interviewing 20 subjects, 10 children of Nazis and 10 children of concentration camp survivors. The former subjects were interviewed by a child of a Nazi (Kuphal), and the latter were interviewed by a child of concentration camp survivors (Weissmark). The interview was de-signed by a neutral party (Giacomo) to generate data by focusing on broad areas. The investigators hypothesized that these areas would yield useful data for comparing the similarities and differences between the two groups of sub-jects. Responses of children of survivors and Nazis revealed similar threads of images and associations to the past that run through their lives. These include: information-seeking, meaning-making, a personal sense of injustice, and re-dressing actions. (Psychology)

Publisher's PDF ; Background: Research suggests that men are less likely to seek help for depression, substance abuse, and stressful life events due to negative perceptions of asking for and receiving help. This may be exacerbated in male military cadets who exhibit higher levels of gender role conflict because of military culture. Methods: This exploratory study examined the perceptions of 78 male military cadets toward help-seeking behaviors. Cadets completed the 31-item Barriers to Help Seeking Scale (BHSS) and a component factor analysis was used to generate five composite variables and compare to validated factors. Perceptual mapping and vector modeling, which produce 3-dimensional models of a group's perceptions, were then used to model how they conceptualize help-seeking. Results: Factor analysis showed slightly different groupings than the BHSS, perhaps attributed to different characteristics of respondents, who are situated in a military school compared to general university males. Perceptual maps show that cadets perceive trust of doctors closest to them and help-seeking farthest, supporting the concept that these males have rigid beliefs about having control and its relationship to health seeking. Differences were seen when comparing maps of White and non-White cadets. White cadets positioned themselves far away from all variables, while non-White cadets were closest to "emotional control". Conclusion: To move these cadets toward help-seeking, vector modeling suggests that interventions should focus on their general trust of doctors, accepting lack of control, and decreasing feelings of weakness when asking for help. For non-White cadets a focus on self-reliance may also need to be emphasized. Use of these unique methods resulted in articulation of specific barriers that if addressed early, may have lasting effects on help-seeking behavior as these young men become adults. Future studies are needed to Developmentelop and test specific interventions to promote help-seeking among military cadets. ; Department of Behavioral Health and Nutrition, University of Delaware

Este artículo revisa algunas relaciones entre identificaciones sociales y peronismo, presentes en la literatura actual sobre dicho movimiento. El recorrido propuesto tiene como eje articulador el examen de las investigaciones sobre el voto peronista y los migrantes internos. Sostengo que es posible reorientar las investigaciones sobre "sociabilidad política" a partir de nociones relacionadas con lo que Benoit denominó "temperamentos regionales". En este trabajo ese término sirve como síntesis de un conjunto de conceptos tendientes a repensar problemáticas relacionadas con el "interior", con distintas etiquetas de grupos subalternos, y con conflictos racializados en la Argentina moderna. A partir de una definición de "sociabilidad política", el artículo avanza hacia la discusión de enfoques novedosos que permitirán escapar de versiones que suponen una relación estable y fuerte entre sociabilidades como disposiciones colectivas y comportamiento político, para incorporar al análisis perspectivas sobre otras identificaciones de época. ; This article analyzes some relations between social identifications and Peronism, present in the current literature about this political force. The proposed path has its central theme in the polemics about the relevance of internal migrants in the Peronist vote. I argue that it is possible to reorient research on "political sociability" with the Fernand Benoit concept of "regional temperaments". In this article, the term serves as a synthesis aimed to rethink issues related to the "interior", to different subaltern groups and to racialized conflicts in modern Argentina. Departing from a definition of "political sociability", the article moves towards the discussion of new approaches. These could allow us to escape from versions that establish a strong relation between sociability, collective dispositions and political behavior. ; Fil: Quiroga, Nicolás Francisco. Universidad Nacional de Mar del Plata. Facultad de Humanidades. Departamento de Historia. Centro de Estudios Históricos; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Mar del Plata; Argentina

Religion, especially in its institutionalized church form, has always prescribed universal love and brotherhood and proscribed against killing and violence. Yet the institu tionalized church has always rationalized and come around to the support of the war and institutionally organized killing by its national community. This disparity between religious norms and practice has historically disturbed idealists and intrigued students of religion. This paper is concerned with how a universalistic religion confronts and resolves the dilemma of war vis-a-vis a particularistic socio-political system. It discusses (1) the theoretical bases for the non-pacifist attitudes and behavior of the institutional churches within the framework of the sociological 'Church-Sect' concept, and (2) the available data to lend support to the major hypothesis, that the church as a social institution ( as opposed to the sect) is both reflective and supportive of society's values and practices and that the church, therefore, functions primarily as an agent of conservation rather than as an agent of social change. These postulates are strongly supported by four sets of data and empirical evidence. The first fully supports the implication that outright opposition to war - conscientious objection - would be more evident in the sects than the churches. The second study supports the thesis that the church, through the chaplaincy system, resolves the value conflict in favor of society in a manner to support the values and objectives of the socio- political system in war. The third study supports the postulate that the church is ac commodative in that its stand on social issues depends largely upon the mood and senti ment of its parishioners rather than standing upon its own religious values. The last set of evidence sheds light on the thesis that the church remains essentially a conservative force by compartmentalizing its radicalism within the campus ministry - i.e., the church is a conservative rather than change-inducing agent vis-a-vis society.