Suchergebnisse

Introduction / Susan Rose-Ackerman, Peter Lindseth, and Blake Emerson -- Part I. Constitutional structure and administrative law : traditions and transformations -- 1. Révolution, rechtsstaat and the rule of law : historical reflections on the emergence and development of administrative law / Bernardo Sordi -- 2. Good-bye, Montesquieu / Bruce Ackerman -- 3. Politics and agencies in the administrative state : the U.S. case / Peter Strauss -- 4. Written constitutions and the administrative state : on the constitutional character of administrative law / Tom Ginsburg -- 5. Comparative positive political theory and empirics / M. Elizabeth Magill and Daniel R. Ortiz -- 6. The 'Neue Verwaltungsrechtswissenschaft' against the backdrop of traditional administrative law scholarship in Germany / Andreas Vosskuhle and Thomas Wischmeyer -- 7. Transformations of administrative law : Italy from a comparative perspective / Marco D'Alberti -- 8. Hungary's post-socialist administrative law regimes / Kriszta Kovács and Kim Lane Scheppele -- Part II. Administrative independence -- 9. The promise of comparative administrative law : a constitutional perspective on independent agencies / Daniel Halberstam -- 10. The puzzle of independence and parliamentary democracy in the common law world : a Canadian perspective / Lorne Sossin -- 11. Assessing the theory of presidential dominance : empirical evidence of the relationship between the executive branch and regulatory agencies in Brazil / Mariana Mota Prado -- 12. Experimenting with independent commission in a new democracy with a civil law tradition : the case of Taiwan / Jiunn-rong Yeh -- 13. Flag-bearers of a new era? : the evolution of new regulatory institutions in India (1991-2016) / Arun Kumar Thiruvengadam -- 14. A comparison of US and European independent commissions / Martin Shapiro -- Part III. Transparency, procedure, and policy-making -- 15. Citizens and technocrats : an essay on trust, public participation, and government legitimacy / Susan Rose-Ackerman -- 16. The rise of reason giving in American administrative law / Jerry Mashaw -- 17. The 2015 French code of administrative procedure : an assessment / Dominique Custos -- 18. Three generations of administrative procedures / Javier Barnes -- 19. Administrative agencies as creators of administrative law norms : evidence from the UK, France and Sweden / Dorit Rubinstein Reiss -- 20. Comparing regulatory oversight bodies : the US Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs and the EU Regulatory Scrutiny Board / Jonathan B. Wiener -- 21. Looking for smarter government (and administrative law) in the age of uncertainty / Giulio Napolitano -- 22. Participation and expertise : judicial attitudes in comparative perspective / Catherine Donnelly -- Part IV. Administrative litigation and administrative law -- 23. Judicial review of questions of law : a comparative perspective / Paul Craig -- 24. Proportionality review in administrative law / Jud Mathews -- 25. Voidness and voidability of unilateral administrative acts in the Western tradition / Gabriel Bocksang Hola -- 26. The powers and duties of the French administrative judge / Jean Massot -- 27. Judicial review of agency action in the US and Israel : the choice between open and closed review / Michael Asimow and Yoav Dotan -- 28. The 'double helix' of process and substance review before the UK Competition Appeal Tribunal : a model case or a cautionary tale for specialist courts? / Athanasios Psygkas -- 29. Judicial deference to agency's discretion in new democracies : observations on constitutional decisions in Poland, Taiwan, and South Africa / Cheng-Yi Huang -- 30. Legal management of urban space in Japan and the role of the judiciary / Narufumi Kadomatsu -- 31. The courts and public space : France, the UK and the US in historical perspective / Thomas Perroud -- Part V. Administrative law and the boundaries of the state : Part A. Public and private -- 32. Three questions of privatization / Daphne Barek-Erez -- 33. Contracting out and 'public values' : a theoretical and comparative approach / Jean-Bernard Auby -- 34. Organizational structure and culture in an era of privatization : the case of United States military and security contractors / Laura A. Dickinson -- 35. Transnational non-state regulation and domestic administrative law / Victor V. Ramraj -- Part B. Administrative law beyond the state : the case of the EU -- 36. A framework for historical comparison of control of national, supranational and transnational public power / Peter Cane -- 37. EU agencies 2.0 : the new constitution of supranational administration beyond the EU commission / Johannes Saurer -- 38. Administrative discretion in the EU : comparative perspectives / Joana Mendes -- 39. Administrative law reform in the European Union : the ReNEUAL project and its basis in comparative legal studies / Herwig C.H. Hofmann and Jens-Peter Schneider -- 40. The constitutional basis of EU administrative law / Matthias Ruffert -- 41. What's in a label? : the EU as "administrative" and "constitutional" / Peter L. Lindseth.

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The hybrid warfare waged by the Russian Federation against Ukraine is being conducted at several levels and directions, information being one of them. Russian propaganda fakes are directly related to the issue of national security of Ukraine, namely, a crucified boy in Slovyansk, slaves for the National Guard of Ukraine, «fascists» on the Maidan, Yarosh's business card, and so on. One more example of the Kremlin's destructive information work in May 2014 was the fake that Olena Pidhrushna, the captain of the Ukrainian biathlon team, the Olympic champion in the relay at the Winter Olympics in Sochi, was a sniper involved in an Anti-Terrorist Operation (ATO) in the east of Ukraine. The article analyzes the peculiarities of the Russian media construction of a fake «about sniper O. Pidhrushna in the anti-terrorist operation zone», its refutation by the Ukrainian side and the consequences of the fake for the athlete. Using the structural and functional method of the research, the author clarifies the content and structure of this fake, the creation of the effect of «fake in a fake». The conducted event and content analyses gave grounds to conclude that the developers of the fake purposefully selected events, statements made during the professional career of O. Pidhrushna, snatching them from a specific situation, a television story. Having compared the real facts from the biography and sports achievements of O. Pidhrushna with the manipulative information provided by hostile propaganda in the fake, the author establishes causal links in the «construction» of the fake, as well as its related grounds. Special attention is drawn to the fact that the fake negatively affected the emotional state of O. Pidhrushna, forcing her to reconsider her views. It is proved that the slow overcoming of the topical problems of the Ukrainian society by the authorities creates a favorable ground for the emergence of various fakes, their perception by society. The author claims this fake was a well-thought-out and purposeful information and propaganda attack on the titled Ukrainian sportswoman and domestic sports in general. The article provides evidence for confirmation of the athlete's statement that «the ideological machine of our neighbors works so powerfully that it does not give a chance to conduct a dialogue, to explain one's personal position. This applies even to athletes who are always out of politics». Nevertheless, O. Pidhrushna believes that sport plays a crucial role in understanding and establishing peace. ; Гібридна війна, що її розв'язала Російська Федерація проти України, ведеться одразу на декількох рівнях і напрямах, одним з яких є інформаційний. Фейки російської пропаганди безпосередньо пов'язані із питанням національної безпеки України: розіп'ятий хлопчик у Слов'янську, раби для Національної гвардії України, «фашисти» на Майдані, візитка Яроша тощо. Ще одним прикладом деструктивної інформаційної роботи Кремля у травні 2014 р. став фейк про те, що Олена Михайлівна Підгрушна (Olena Pidhrushna) – капітан збірної України з біатлону, олімпійська чемпіонка у естафеті на Зимових Олімпійських іграх у Сочі, як снайпер бере участь у антитерористичній операції (АТО) на сході України. У статті проаналізовано особливості побудови російськими мас-медіа фейку «про снайпера О. Підгрушну у зоні АТО», його спростування українською стороною та наслідки фейку для спортсменки. Використовуючи структурно-функціональний метод дослідження автор з'ясував зміст і структуру цього фейку, створення ефекту «фейк у фейкові». Проведений івент- та контент-аналіз дали підстави зробити висновок, що розробники фейку цілеспрямовано підібрали події, висловлювання із професійної кар'єри О. Підгрушної, вихопивши їх із конкретної ситуації, телевізійного сюжету. Порівнявши реальні факти з біографії і спортивних досягнень О. Підгрушної із маніпулятивною інформацією, наведеною ворожою пропагандою у фейку, автор встановив причинно-наслідкові зв'язки у «конструюванні» фейку, а також його дотичні підстави. Звернуто увагу, що фейк негативно вплинув на емоційний стан О. Підгрушної, змусив її переглянути свої погляди. Доведено, що повільне подолання владою злободенних проблем українського суспільства створює сприятливий ґрунт для виникнення різноманітних фейків, їхнього сприйняття соціумом. Автор стверджує, що цей фейк був добре продуманою і цілеспрямованою інформаційно-пропагандистською атакою на титуловану українську спортсменку та вітчизняний спорт загалом. У статті наведено докази на підтвердження слів О. Підгрушної, про те, що «ідеологічна машина у наших сусідів працює настільки потужно, що поки не дає шансів вести діалог, пояснити свою позицію. Це стосується навіть спортсменів, які завжди поза політикою».

Think Tanks are the organizations specialized in the research of development, in which experts and scholars of various disciplines using data to analyze the required disciplines or fields, and come up with optimal solutions to problems. In the beginning, the establishment of Think Tanks was to give advice on policy-decision of foreign and domestic policies. With the development and needs of the society, the types of Think Tanks have been diversified. The United States was the first country to found Think Tanks in the world. With accurate and comprehensive analysis and judgment, the U.S. Think Tanks have extensive and in-depth contact with the ruling authorities and have deep influence in the public, influencing the major decisions of the U.S. politics, economy, society, military, diplomacy, science and technology. In the past three decades, China has made great achievements in economic development. Although the current situation of Chinese Think Tanks' development ranks second in the world in terms of the total volume, the influence is still limited and the quality needs to be improved. At present, influential Think Tanks mainly gather in Beijing, Shanghai and other political and economic centers, most of which are comprehensive and mainly focus on national strategy. In the process of transformation to new types, the main problems of Think Tanks are inability to provide forward-looking and time-sensitive products, are lack of reasonable talent composition and internal division of labor, and are difficulty in forming an effective government, society and international influence. By comparing the development of think tanks between the United States and China, this paper proposes that there are significant differences in the construction and application of think tanks between the two countries. As a developing country, China has to keep improving its own think tanks, vigorously raise the number and scale of the private think tanks, and intensify their influence steadily so that a relatively mature think tank market can be developed gradually. Talents pool is the most important strategic resources in the 21st century. In order to make rapid economic development and cope with the international situation, almost every country is attaching a great importance to the training of the talents at home and the talent introduction from other countries. Relatively speaking, the construction and development of think tanks is crucial to the strategic talents reserve. Only by constantly filling the think tanks with more talents can China cope with the ever-changing international situation and have a better solution to the internal conflicts. Key words: Think Tanks; China; the United States; Sino-U.S. Relations. ; Аналітичні центри – це дослідницькі організації, у яких спеціалісти різних галузей використовують інформацію різних дисциплін для аналізу предметів або областей, які потребують вирішення питань, та пошуку шляхів вирішення цих питань. Створення аналітичних центрів полягало у наданні консультацій країні з формування внутрішньої та зовнішньої політики. Вони були невід'ємною частиною державного апарату та не були комерційними. З розвитком та потребами суспільства класифікація аналітичних центрів урізноманітнювалась. США стали першою країною світу, де з'явилися аналітичні центри. Вони з великою точністю та всебічно аналізують та виносять рішення, мають тісний зв'язок з керівним апаратом країни, впливають на суспільство, корегують політикою у сфері держуправління, економіки, суспільства, військової справи, міжнародні відносини, науки та інше. За останні три десятиліття Китай зробив величезні досягнення в розвитку економіки. Якщо ж подивитись з боку стану аналітичних центрів країни, можна впевнитись, що, незважаючи на їхню кількість, їхній вплив доволі обмежений, а якість потребує покращення. Сьогодні впливові аналітичні центри розташовані, здебільшого, у Пекіні, Шанхаї та інших політичних й економічних центрах країн, вони належать до універсального типу та, здебільшого, фокусуються на державній стратегії. Гальмують модернізацію напрямку діяльності аналітичних центрів відсутність правильного складу кадрів та розподіл між ними роботи, неможливість виготовлення ефективного та перспективного продукту, складність формування впливу на уряд, суспільство та світ. У статті завдяки опису та порівнянню стану розвитку китайських та американських аналітичних центрів, виокремлені значні розбіжності щодо їхнього будівництва та використання. Китай як країна, що розвивається, має безперервно покращувати будівництво своїх аналітичних центрів, розвивати приватні аналітичні центри, збільшувати їхню кількість та масштаб, посилювати впливовість приватних аналітичних центрів, і тільки у такий спосіб можливо сформувати зрілий ринок аналітичних центрів. У XXI ст. професійні кадри – найважливіший стратегічний ресурс. Різні країни заради свого швидкого розвитку прикладають значні зусилля для виховання талантів своєї країни та приваблювання закордонних. З іншого боку, будівництво й розвиток аналітичних центрів – це ключовий момент накопичення стратегічного кадрового запасу. Тільки безперервне накопичення талантів в аналітичних центрах сприятиме протидії нестабільній міжнародній кон'юктурі та вирішенню проблем всередині країни. Ключові слова: аналітичний центр; Китай; США; китайсько-американські відносини.

Investment-state dispute resolution has been a hot topic recently, as we can observe a shift in the international trade agreements – both on the side of politics and economics. The European Union has started to negotiate several new trade agreements – some succeeded, some failed, and among the latter we find the TTIP with the USA. This article focuses on the neuralgic point of ISDS in the trade policy of the EU and the USA and summarizes the arguments for and against the ISDS mechanism reflecting also on the latest scientific literature and statistics. ; gjudit@sze.hu ; Judit Glavanits – PhD, associate professor, head of Department of Public and European Law, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Széchenyi István University, Hungary. ; Széchenyi István University, Hungary ; Bottini G., Reform of the Investor-State Arbitration Regime: The Appeal Proposal, (in:) J.E. Kalicki, A. Joubin-Bret (eds.), Reshaping the Investor-State Dispute Settlement System, BRILL, 2015, pp. 455–473, doi: https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004291102_021. ; Bown Ch.P., On the Economic Success of GATT/WTO Dispute Settlement, "The Review of Economics and Statistics", 2004, Vol. 86, No. 3, pp. 811–823. ; Bussière M., Pérez-Barreiro E., Straub R., Taglioni D., Protectionist responses to the crisis – global trends and implications, ECB Occasional Paper, No. 110 (2010), European Central Bank (ECB), Frankfurt a. M. ; Caporal, Jack: What Is Former Vice President Biden's Policy on Trade? Center for Strategic s Policy on Trade? Center for Strategic & International Studies, 12 February, 2020. ; Caytas J.,: From Shield to Sword: TTIP's Lessons on Democratic Legitimacy for International Investment Arbitration,"Columbia Journal of Law and Social Problems: Common Law" (Apr. 23, 2015),https://ssrn.com/abstract=2685501. ; De Ville F., Siles-Brügge G., Why TTIP is a game-changer and its critics have a point, "Journal of European Public Policy", 2016, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501763.2016.1254273. ; Garcia-Duran P., Eliasson L.J., The Public Debate over Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and Its Underlying Assumptions,"Journal of World Trade", 2017, Vol 51 No. 1, pp. 23–42. ; Gaukrodger D., Adjudicator Compensation Systems and Investor-State Dispute Settlement, OECD Working Papers on International Investment, 2017/05, OECD Publishing, Paris,http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/c2890bd5-en. ; Hallak I., Multilateral Investment Court – Overview of the reform proposals and prospects, European Parliament Research Service, PE 646.147, January 2020, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2020/646147/EPRS_BRI(2020)646147_EN.pdf. ; Hodgson M., Campbell A., Damages and costs in investment treaty arbitration revisited, "Global Arbitration Review", 14 December 2017,http://www.itd.or.th/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Annex-2-Allen-and-Overy-Damages-and-costs-in-investment-treaty-arbitration-revisited-December-2017.pdf. ; Horváthy B., Potential Impacts of Transatlantic Trade Negotiations on the EU Environmental Policy, "Hungarian Journal of Legal Studies", 2016, Vol. 57. 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The aim of this dissertation is to examine the influence of the international actors i.e. the OSCE, Council of Europe, EU and Russia, on policy and legislative adaptation in two post-Soviet countries since 1991. These are Estonia and Ukraine. The central concept analysed in the dissertation is stateness. It is defined following Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan (1996) as congruence between the territorial definition and the right of citizenship in the state, which has the monopoly on the legitimate use of force in the territory, and an effective state bureaucracy. For the analysis, certain policy areas are chosen which operationalise the dimensions of stateness: monopoly on the use of force (borders, army and police), state identity (citizenship, national minorities and language), and basic administration (public administration, education and information). In the democratisation and state-building literature, stateness is a neglected concept, as is the international influence on it. Surprisingly so, as it is an important condition for state and regime stability, especially democracy. To address this gap, the dissertation clarifies the definition of the concept of stateness and analyses the international influence on it in the two countries. This dissertation centres on the impact of the international actors as the causal factor in consolidation of stateness. To investigate this, it analyses in a systematic manner the influence of their policy demands and expectations on adaptation (i.e. policy adoption and change) in the policy areas operationalising stateness in Estonia and Ukraine. As part of the analysis, it provides a detailed overview and comparison of the policy- and legislation-making in both countries after their independence in 1991. The method chosen is a cross-case comparison carried out according to a time-periodisation approach. The analysis illustrates the converging yet context-contingent impact of the international actors in the policy areas operationalising stateness. Therefore, the main finding confirms the emerging consensus in the literature that the international actors have an increasing yet differential impact in traditionally domestic policy areas. The dissertation's contribution is twofold. First is the theoretical and conceptual contribution to state-building in comparative European politics by clarifying the definition of the concept of stateness. Second is the empirical contribution by providing an applicable operationalisation of the concept through policy areas, which permits its empirical analysis. ; Avhandlingen undersöker det inflytande som olika internationella aktörer – såsom OSSE, Europarådet, EU och den Ryska Federationen – har utövat på två postsovjetiska stater, Estland och Ukraina. Mer specifikt är det sådant inflytande som rör utformningen av lagstiftning och policybeslut som hamnar i fokus, i relation till politikområden som kan kopplas till begreppet "stateness", det vill säga en stats förmåga att kontrollera sitt eget territorium och population, samt förmågan att fungera som en suverän stat bland andra stater i världen. De politikområden som undersöks i avhandlingen är kontrollen över landets gränser, statens våldsmonopol, politiken kring medborgarskap, minoritetsrättigheter och språkrättigheter, samt offentlig förvaltning, informationsspridning och utbildning. I forskningen om demokratisering och statsbyggande är den internationella aspekten av en stats förmåga till "stateness" underutforskad. Det tas för givet att "stateness" är en central förutsättning för en lyckad demokratisering och för regimstabilitet, men det tas också för givet att denna förmåga i allt väsentligt bestäms av inhemska faktorer. Denna avhandling lämnar ett bidrag till den existerande forskningen på området genom att undersöka vilken betydelse externa aktörer har för en stats förmåga till "stateness". Bidraget handlar både om att förtydliga begreppet "stateness" på ett teoretiskt plan, och om att empiriskt undersöka hur två postsovjetiska stater, i relation till externa aktörer, har kunnat hantera frågan om "stateness" i det egna landet, från 1991 och framåt. Den komparativa undersökningen visar att de externa aktörerna har en märkbar påverkan på Estlands och Ukrainas lagstiftning inom politikområden som rör medborgarskap och minoritetsrättigheter, i synnerhet i Estland, men att de externa aktörernas inflytande är mer blandat när det gäller lagstiftning kring språkfrågor och utbildningsfrågor. Undersökningen visar också att Ryssland, som en extern aktör, har kunnat påverka förmågan till "stateness" negativt när det gäller politikområdena informationsspridning och kontroll över statens gränser. Avhandlingen kan på så vis visa att det finns en påtaglig extern aspekt när det gäller olika länders förmåga att hantera sin "stateness". ; The public defense will also be available via Zoom.

Exploring the spatial politics of home in post-independence Ireland, the Irish playwright Brian Friel's Dancing at Lughnasa (1990) represents the naturalized relationships between women, home, and nation in the 1930s, contending how the idealized national womanhood practiced in the domestic sphere of a home is always a socio-spatial disempowerment of women. Moreover, the homely, socially appropriate and ideal, home is also in a perpetual process of being transfigured by other socio-spatial dynamics beyond an Irish home in addition to Irish nationalism and Catholicism. This play unravels the contested ways in which the social imaginary, materiality, identity and power relations of the Mundy home are constituted and negotiated within and without their home. Constituted by diverse social processes in the context of nation formation, the Irish home is never private and enclosed but in fact an open and porous public sphere. ; 本文試圖經由布萊恩.傅利爾的劇作《在盧納莎起舞》來探討愛爾蘭獨立後家的空間性別政治,並進一步申論此劇如何再現並質疑一九三零年代國族、性別與家的連帶關係:所謂理想的國族之家是如何不可避免地造成大部分愛爾蘭女性在空間與社會上的侷限,以及劇中女性角色如何個別戮力尋找與建構一個具有歸屬感的家園。此外,本文也將探討此理想的國族之家是如何建構而成,以及家事實上作為一個開放流變的空間是如何受到愛爾蘭國族主義、愛爾蘭天主教與兩次大戰期間的經濟狀況等等與其它的社會發展所形塑。家作為個別主體的一個生存場域,不僅具有物質性,同時也是個社會空間,也意味著家在不同的時空脈絡裡受到發展不均的社會關係所形構,也與其它不同層次的空間彼此交織共生。家對不同的社會主體來說因此有不同的意義、情感和功能。一味認定家就是性別分工下應該提供暫時或長期離家之人溫暖、認同、歸屬、與親密等正向情感支持的避風港無疑犯了家與家以外的空間二元分立本質論的謬誤。家在愛爾蘭國族建構的過程中也不再僅是維持蓋爾文化傳統、天主教道德規訓與國家穩定秩序的女性私密空間,反而是一個在想像、概念與實踐上不斷生成辯證的既私人又公共的特殊場域。《在盧納莎起舞》一劇於是不僅讓讀者看到了家的多元面貌與女性在身分及權力關係上與之協商的過程,也了解家作為一個社會空間是如何不斷地處在動態流變之中:越是希望達成一個單一穩固封閉的理想之家卻越無法成家的弔詭。

La presente ricerca ha lo scopo di indagare la tassazione dell'economia digitale, argomento cardine degli odierni dibattiti sul diritto tributario nazionale, internazionale ed europeo, convogliando le attenzioni, per ragioni diverse, di dottrina, prassi, giurisprudenza e politica nazionale ed estera. La tesi si compone di quattro capitoli. Con il primo si esperisce una actio finis regundorum per definire i confini propri dell'economia digitale, cercando di dimostrare che la ricchezza digitale non è facilmente sussumibile in categorie note, ma rappresenti un'evoluzione talmente significativa del contesto produttivo da trascendere i parametri classici di determinazione dell'imponibile. La seconda parte della ricerca analizzerà le principali strutture impositive, specificamente, in merito al presupposto d'imposta (what to tax?) valutandone l'adattabilità alla digital economy e immaginando eventuali varianti anche alla luce delle proposte dottrinali. Nel terzo capitolo si passerà a esaminare il profilo territoriale (where to tax?). All'uopo, si declineranno le possibili varianti della territorialità, intesa come principio, id est limite alla tassazione, o come criterio, cioè riparto delle potestà impositive. Conseguentemente, l'ultima sezione è dedicata allo studio di quale sia il livello normativo più adatto alla tassazione della ricchezza digitale (who to tax?). Attraverso l'analisi delle fonti del diritto, si avanzerà l'ipotesi di una tassazione europea dell'economia digitale, tenendo conto delle proposte avanzate in sede internazionale e nazionale, provando a individuarne uno schema essenziale (how to tax?). Infine, su un piano generale, si ricorderà come questa problematica possa diventare la chiave di volta nella storia politica dell'Unione Europea, potendo nascere dalla costruzione del Mercato Unico Digitale una nuova fiscalità, autenticamente, europea con l'obiettivo ulteriore di incoraggiare la nascita e la crescita di imprese digitali europee, attraverso un progressivo riequilibrio delle posizioni (level playing field). ; This research aims to investigate the taxation of the digital economy, cornerstone of the debates that are taking places in this period in relation to the national, international and european tax law, conveying the attention of the domestic and foreign doctrine, practice, jurisprudence and politics. The dissertation is composed by four chapters. With the first one an actio finis regundorum is carried out to define the boundaries of the digital economy, in attempting to show that it is not easy to subsume the digital richness into well-known categories. The second part of the research analyzes the main taxation structures focusing in particular on the tax chargeable event (what to tax?) assessing his adaptability to the digital economy while imaging possible variations in the light even of the proposals done by the doctrine. In the third chapter the examination will deal in particular with the territorial profile (where to tax?).Therefore, the last section is devoted to the study of which normative level is the most appropriate for the taxation of the digital richness (who to tax?). Through the examination of the various sources of law, the hypotheses of an euroepan taxation of the digital economy will be advanced, taking into account the proposals put forward on international and national level, trying to identify an essential scheme (how to tax?). Finally, on a general level, it will be recalled that this issue could became the centrepiece of the European Union's political history, as the construction of the digital Single Market could give rise to a new taxation that is truly european with the further aim to foster and encourage the birth and development of european digital businesses, through a progressive level playing field. ; Diese hier vorliegende Forschung hat zur Grundlage die Untersuchung der Besteuerung der digitalen Ökonomie, das zentrale Thema der heutigen Diskussionen über das europäische, internationale und nationale Steuerrecht, das die Aufmerksamkeit aus verschiedenen Gründen, der inländischer und ausländischer Recht-sprechung, - lehre, -praxis und Politik weckt. Die Dissertation besteht aus vier Kapiteln. Das erste Kapitel führt eine actio finis regundorum durch um die Grenzen der digitalen Ökonomie zu definieren, aufzeichnend wie schwer der digitale Reichtum sich in bekannte Kategorien fügt, aber eine solch bedeutende Weiterentwicklung des produktiven Kontext darstellt, dass er die traditionellen Parameter der Ermittlung des steuerpflichtigen Gewinns übersteigt. Der zweite Teil der Recherche analysiert die wichtigsten Besteuerungsstrukturen, speziell gegenüber der vorausgesetzten Steuerpflicht (what to tax?) in dem die Anpassungsfähigkeit an die digital Economy beurteilt und eventuelle Varianten angesichts der doktrinären Vorschläge vorgestellt werden. In dem dritten Kapitel wird das territoriale Profil (where to tax?) untersucht. Hierfür werden die möglichen Varianten der Territorialität dekliniert, verstanden als ein Prinzip, id est der Begrenzung der Besteuerung, oder als Kriterium, also als Aufteilung der Steuerhoheit vorgestellt. Dem entsprechend widmet sich der letzte Abschnitt der Untersuchung damit, welche normative Ebene die geeignetste ist für die Besteurung des digitalen Reichtums (who to tax?). Mittels einer Analyse aus Rechtsquellen, avanciert die Hypothese einer europäischen Besteuerung der digitalen Ökonomie, unter Berücksichtigung der eingebrachten Vorschläge auf internationaler und nationaler Ebene, in dem man versucht ein essentielles Schema zu ermitteln (how to tax?). Letztendlich, auf allgemeiner Ebene, wird daran erinnert, dass diese Problematik, ein Eckpfeiler der politischen Geschichte der Europäischen Union werden kann, daher dass aus der Konstruktion des digitalen Binnenmarktes eine neue Besteuerung entstehen kann, die wahrhaftig europäisch ist, mit dem zusätzlichen Ziel der Entstehung und des Wachsen von europäischen digitalen Unternehmen zu fördern durch eine schrittweise Angleichung der Positionen (level playing field).

Magistritöö Ökonoomika ja ettevõtluse õppekaval ; Eesti praegune regionaalpoliitika rõhutab, et erinevad piirkonnad peaks panustama oma arengus sellele, milles nad on kõige konkurentsivõimelisemad Töö eesmärk on välja selgitada Eesti maakondade regionaalne konkurentsivõime nende omavahelises võrdluses perioodil 2010-2017. Konkurentsivõime hindamiseks kasutati töös maakondade lõikes indeksite loomist neljas valdkonnas: inimkapital, sotsiaalne kapital, ettevõtlus ja majandusareng ning turvalisus ja heaolu. Indeksid koostati Statistikaameti jt allikatest pärit andmete alusel perioodi 2010- 2017 kohta. Maakonnad järjestati kõige kõrgema konkurentsivõimega maakonnast kõige nõrgema konkurentsivõimega maakonnani. Inimkapitali hindamiseks kasutati: rahvaarvu, rahvastikuarvu muutus perioodil 2010- 2017, rahvastiku prognoos aastani 2030, rändesaldo muutus 1000 elaniku kohta, tööealise, 15-64 aastaste, elanikkonna muutus ning loomuliku iibe üldkordaja 1000 elaniku kohta perioodil 2010-2017. Sotsiaalse kapitali analüüsimiseks võrreldi: kõrgharidusega tööealise elanikkonna osakaal perioodil 2010-2016, majanduslikult aktiivsete mittetulundusühingute arv 1000 elaniku kohta, vabatahtlikes tegevustes osalenute protsent 2013. aasta uuringu põhjal, 2016. aastal toimunud talgutel osalejate protsent rahvaarvust; kultuurielus osalenute protsent 2017. aastal ning 2017. aasta valimistel osalenute hääletajate protsent. Ettevõtlus ja majandusarengu indeksite aluseks valiti: keskmine töötasu maakonna kohta 2017.aastal, keskmise palga muutus perioodil 2010-2017, majanduslikult aktiivsete ettevõtete arv 1000 elaniku kohta aastal 2017, majanduslikult aktiivsete ettevõtete arvu muutus 2010-2017, SKP maakonnas elaniku kohta aastal 2017 ning SKP muutus elaniku kohta 2010-2017. Turvalisus ja sotsiaalne heaolu moodustasid: registreeritud kuritegude arv 1000 elaniku kohta perioodil 2010-2016, keskmine tööealiste töötuse määr protsentides aastatel 2010- 2016, keskmine suhtelise vaesuse määr protsentides 2010-2016, tervena elatud aastad, keskmine puudega inimeste arv 2010-2016 aastal ning puudega elanike koguarvu muutus perioodil 2010-2016. Analüüsi tulemusel jagati maakonnad kolme katekooriasse: kõrge, keskmise ja madala konkurentsivõimega regioonid. Kõrge konkurentsivõimega on Harju, Tartu, Lääne, Hiiu ja Rapla maakond. Keskmise konkurentsivõimega grupis on Saare, Pärnu, Võru, Viljandi ja Järva maakond. Kõige madalama konkurentsivõimega piirkonnad on Jõgeva, Valga, Lääne-Viru, Põlva ja Ida-Viru maakond. ; Estonian current regional politics emphasises that different counties should push for development in the areas where they have the highest competitiveness. The purpose of the Thesis is to establish the competitiveness of different counties through comparison with each other during the 2010-2017 period. To evaluate the competitiveness the Author created indices in 4 areas: human capital; social capital; entrepreneurship and economic development; and safety and wellbeing. The indices were based on information obtained from Statistics Estonia and other similar sources and are relating to 2010-2017 period. Counties have been ranked by the most competitive to least competitive. To evaluate the human capital the author used: population; changed in population between 2010 and 2017; the prognosis of population up to year 2030; net migration rate per 1000 residents; working population, 15-64 years old, changes; and rate of natural increases per 1000 residents during the 2010-2017 period. For social capital analysis the author compared: the percentage of population having an higher education between 2010 and 2016; amount of economically active non-profit organisation per 1000 residents, the participation in voluntary activities based on 2013 study; the percentage of population taking part in communal work in 2016; the percentage of participants in cultural life; and percentage of voters in 2017 elections. Indices for entrepreneurship and economic development are based on: average pay per county in 2017; the change in average pay during 2010-2017; economically active businesses per 1000 resident in 2017, the change in economically active businesses during 2010-2017; Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per resident during 2017 and changes in GDP per resident in 2010-2017. Safety and social wellbeing indices were based on: reported crimes per 1000 residents during 2010- 2016, average unemployment rate in 2010-2016; relative poverty percentage during 2010-2016, years of healthy life, average rate of disabled people in 2010-2016 and the change in number of disable people from the total population during 2010-2016. Based on the analysis and findings the counties were split into three categories: high, medium and low competitiveness regions. Counties with high competitiveness are: Harju, Tartu, Lääne, Hiiu ja Rapla counties. Average competitiveness group is made out of Saare, Pärnu, Võru, Viljandi ja Järva counties. The counties with lowest competitiveness are Jõgeva, Valga, Lääne-Viru, Põlva ja Ida-Viru Counties.

Este estudio explora el estado actual y el potencial competitivo de las exportaciones agrícolas colombianas a los mercados de Estados Unidos y la Unión Eurpea. Los mercados de estos paises industrializados se constituyen en los más importantes para Colombia, pero al mismo tiempo tienen varias restricciones en el sector agrícola. Este estudio mostrará que la competitividad no es solamente una función de los impedimentos locales o internacionales tales como la pobreza institucional, la baja capacidad tecnológica, la disponibilidad de capital, capital humano y mano de obra, sino también de impedimentos externos como el acceso a los mercados. Por lo tanto, éste es un importante objetivo del presente estudio con el objeto de proyectar posibles escenarios para el comercio colombiano, a fin de investigar la eliminación de estas restricciones. En la parte empírica se enfatizará en los impactos de las restricciones externas en el sentido de un estudio econométrico, sin embargo, la influencia de las restricciones internas será discutida como tal.La hipótesis central del trabajo sostiene que la eliminación de las restricciones de mercado en Estados Unidos y en la Unión Europea puede tener un importante impacto para la competitividad colombiana aunque esto no puede garantizar el crecimiento de las exportaciones nacionales sino se solucionan algunos problemas internos. Solamente la parte de las políticas comerciales de esta hipótesis puede ser evaluada en un estudio econométrico. El papel de los factores internos puede ser evaluado en el marco de un análisis del ambiente en el cual las exportaciones tienen lugar (informes macroeconómicos, estudios del Banco de la República. exportaciones corporativas, instituciones de crédito, segmentos de mercado. programas de asistencia técnica y otros). Una importante contribución de este estudio consiste en la incorporación más comprensiva e interdisciplinaria de las teorías para explicar el comercio internacional. La teoría de la competitividad tiene un punto de vista multidimensional que analiza desde los niveles microeconómicos a los macroeconómicos. Esto comprende factores internos y externos para explicar los cambios en los flujos comerciales. Para el desarrollo de los países, y especialmente para Colombia, las políticas del sector agrícola tienen implicaciones en aspectos económicos, políticos y sociales. Este estudio se propone desarrollar fundamentos empíricos y teóricos de la competitividad como soporte de las decisiones de políticas de mercado en los sectores público y privado. ; This study will explore current and potential competitiveness of selected agricultural exports of Colombia to the markets of the United States and the European Union. The markets of these industrialized countries constitute the most important markets for Colombia, but at the same time have very strict trade constraints in the agricultural sector. This study will show that competitiveness is not only a function of domestic/internal impediments such as a poor institutions, low technological capability, availability of capital, human capital and labor, but also of external impediments such as market access. Therefore, it is an important objective of this study to project the possible scenarios of Colombian trade, by investigating the elimination of those restrictions. In the empirical part emphasis will be laid on the impact of external restrictions by means of an econometric study, however the influence of internal restrictions will be broadly discussed as well.The central hypothesis of this work is that the elimination of trade restrictions in the USA and the EU might have an important impact on Colombia competitiveness even though, it cannot guarantee an increase of Colombia exports without curing some home-made problems. Only the "trade policy" part of this hypothesis can be tested by means of an econometric study. The role played by home-made factors is to be evaluated by an analysis of the environment in which exports take place (macroeconomic reports, studies of the Central Bank of Colombia, export corporation, credit institutions, marketing boards, technical assistance programs and the like).An important contribution of this study consists in incorporating more comprehensive and interdisciplinary theories to explain international trade. Competitiveness theory takes on a multidimensional point of view that stretches from microeconomic levels of analysis. It also includes internal and external factors to explain changes in trade flows.For developing countries and especially for Colombia, agricultural sector policies fo have implications in economics, politics and social aspects. This study expects to develop the theoretical and empirical foundations of competitiveness for supporting decisions of policy makers in private and public sectors.

J.M. Kelerienė. \"Communication of the Threats of China in the US in Public and Official Discourses\" / Master's Degree in International Policy and Economics. Guide: Lecturer Ben Brunal. – Vilnius: Mykolas Romeris University, Faculty of Public Administration, Institute of Political Science, 2018. At the end of the Cold War, the United States has become a hegemon of the world when the main competitor – the Soviet Union has disappeared. However, in the 21st century another serious competitor of the US appear – China that began to rise in economic and political power. In this way, China has become a serious opponent of the US Worldwide Power Contest. China's rising economic power has also affected the emerging sphere of influence in the world. As the economy grew, its technologies were also improving rapidly. The world has increasingly started to escalate China as a cyber-enemy, which absorbs technological innovation without leaving borders of its own country. The world is also disappointed of China's ongoing to the wrong humanity direction, the production of opiates and their export to the entire world, violations of human rights and freedoms and international law. The media censorship is an ideal plan for correcting citizens' opinions - propaganda persuasion. But the same the world is fascinated to China by the loyalty and responsibility of their citizens, cuisine, and culture and the ability to quickly and smartly stand up after economic recession. China is perceived as a twofold country. Looking from a diplomatic and democratic perspective, everyone sees China's negative sides, and when analysed from a cultural perspective, the positive side of China is visible. This multi-faceted state is compared to a global power that cannot be competed by any member of the international system. However, the United States is bracing itself in front of Revisionist China and, after announcing its economic warfare, expects to mitigate its desire for hegemony. But the world is worried about the outcome and consequences of this situation, so it's important to watch how the Chinese image is treated in public and official US discourses. Having identified the Chinese threat image in US national security discourses after the subject of the master's thesis, the research problem was investigated. In the official discourse of the United States, there was a balance between China as a partner and China as a threat. US politicians avoided threatening China, but this situation is changing rapidly. Meanwhile, in the media, China's equivalence as a threat to the US national security was much more frequent and unavoidable. Thus, a different assessment in the official and public discourses of the United States regarding China is problematic. It prompts questions: what are the reasons US leaders are placing China at a less dangerous position and why has this position changed? The answer to these questions will be 117 analysed in the study. It is assumed that the Chinese image discourse is constructed depending on the head of state and his foreign policy. By analysing aspects of threat theory directly related to national state security and socio-political integrity, theoretical access is being constructed, which allows us to investigate the images of the threat of China in US national security discourses. This part of the work uses descriptive-analytical, quantitative and qualitative content and comparative analysis, KDA and linguistic analysis method. After performing extremely detailed quantitative and qualitative, comparative, and KDA analysis, the conclusion came that the public and official discourses of the USA in the respect of China may change. It depends on at that time presidential domestic and foreign policies. However, the discourses created by the government and the press are not always the same, but the results of the last (2018) survey years, both in public and in the official discourse, coincide – China is becoming a threat to national security in the United States. Master's thesis consists of two parts. The first part of the work has the conceptualization of the phenomenon of threats to national security, and the determination of the threat as a subordination of power. In addition, China's identified threats and the nature of its power in international politics is determined. In the empirical (the second) part, a study was conducted to identify the threat by the image of China to the US public and official discourse. Data from official and public discourses were compared.

J.M. Kelerienė. \"Communication of the Threats of China in the US in Public and Official Discourses\" / Master's Degree in International Policy and Economics. Guide: Lecturer Ben Brunal. – Vilnius: Mykolas Romeris University, Faculty of Public Administration, Institute of Political Science, 2018. At the end of the Cold War, the United States has become a hegemon of the world when the main competitor – the Soviet Union has disappeared. However, in the 21st century another serious competitor of the US appear – China that began to rise in economic and political power. In this way, China has become a serious opponent of the US Worldwide Power Contest. China's rising economic power has also affected the emerging sphere of influence in the world. As the economy grew, its technologies were also improving rapidly. The world has increasingly started to escalate China as a cyber-enemy, which absorbs technological innovation without leaving borders of its own country. The world is also disappointed of China's ongoing to the wrong humanity direction, the production of opiates and their export to the entire world, violations of human rights and freedoms and international law. The media censorship is an ideal plan for correcting citizens' opinions - propaganda persuasion. But the same the world is fascinated to China by the loyalty and responsibility of their citizens, cuisine, and culture and the ability to quickly and smartly stand up after economic recession. China is perceived as a twofold country. Looking from a diplomatic and democratic perspective, everyone sees China's negative sides, and when analysed from a cultural perspective, the positive side of China is visible. This multi-faceted state is compared to a global power that cannot be competed by any member of the international system. However, the United States is bracing itself in front of Revisionist China and, after announcing its economic warfare, expects to mitigate its desire for hegemony. But the world is worried about the outcome and consequences of this situation, so it's important to watch how the Chinese image is treated in public and official US discourses. Having identified the Chinese threat image in US national security discourses after the subject of the master's thesis, the research problem was investigated. In the official discourse of the United States, there was a balance between China as a partner and China as a threat. US politicians avoided threatening China, but this situation is changing rapidly. Meanwhile, in the media, China's equivalence as a threat to the US national security was much more frequent and unavoidable. Thus, a different assessment in the official and public discourses of the United States regarding China is problematic. It prompts questions: what are the reasons US leaders are placing China at a less dangerous position and why has this position changed? The answer to these questions will be 117 analysed in the study. It is assumed that the Chinese image discourse is constructed depending on the head of state and his foreign policy. By analysing aspects of threat theory directly related to national state security and socio-political integrity, theoretical access is being constructed, which allows us to investigate the images of the threat of China in US national security discourses. This part of the work uses descriptive-analytical, quantitative and qualitative content and comparative analysis, KDA and linguistic analysis method. After performing extremely detailed quantitative and qualitative, comparative, and KDA analysis, the conclusion came that the public and official discourses of the USA in the respect of China may change. It depends on at that time presidential domestic and foreign policies. However, the discourses created by the government and the press are not always the same, but the results of the last (2018) survey years, both in public and in the official discourse, coincide – China is becoming a threat to national security in the United States. Master's thesis consists of two parts. The first part of the work has the conceptualization of the phenomenon of threats to national security, and the determination of the threat as a subordination of power. In addition, China's identified threats and the nature of its power in international politics is determined. In the empirical (the second) part, a study was conducted to identify the threat by the image of China to the US public and official discourse. Data from official and public discourses were compared.

At present, the formation of a positive image of the armed forces of the Russian Federation among various social groups is necessary. Many citizens want to have a full understanding of the army, since this is one of the most important institutions of the state and the country's security directly depends on it. One of the most important components is the image of the armed forces in the youth environment, as in Russia there is a mixed recruitment of troops, and many servicemen carry out their service on conscription. The transformation of the information sphere into a system-forming factor in the life of a society that actively influences its state, development and security is in demand. Therefore, the information security aspect is rather difficult to overestimate. It is very important for our state, in the current conditions of information confrontation, to respond in a timely manner to the information activity of potential adversaries who may try to form a negative image of the Russian army, undermining its fighting capacity, authority, and people's trust. There is an urgent increase in the role of information and communication technologies in politics and the public sphere. In this regard, it becomes possible to more effectively form, introduce and develop the image of the Armed Forces in the minds of citizens. There is a proliferation of conflicting and diverse information about the army, which is often untrue. To change such activities, effective approaches are needed in the production and broadcasting of information on the Armed Forces, the use of various channels of communication to enhance the prestige of military service and trust in it. It is necessary to cover competently and professionally the activities of the Armed Forces in military conflicts. Effective information support of the army's participation in military operations (including media) reduces the potential of potential adversaries to discredit the Armed Forces. And the integral image of the Russian army in the international arena increases its strength in the eyes of the world community, positively influences the export of weapons to military cooperation. The article analyzes the changes in the image of the Russian army at the present stage of its functioning. Building on the achievements of the domestic Political Science in the field of political imageology, the author focuses on the some negative and positive of the factors and trends, creating an image of the Russian Armed Forces. Author give periodization of the transformation of the image the army. Presented strategic vectors to improve it. ; В настоящее время необходимо формирование положительного имиджа вооружённых сил РФ среди различных социальных групп. Многие граждане хотят иметь полноценное представление об армии, так как это один из важнейших институтов государства и от него напрямую зависит безопасность страны. Одним из важнейших компонентов является образ вооружённых сил в молодёжной среде, так как в России идёт смешанное комплектование войск, и многие военнослужащие осуществляют свою службу по призыву. Востребовано превращение информационной сферы в системообразующий фактор жизни общества, который активно влияет на его состояние, развитие и безопасность. Поэтому информационный аспект безопасности довольно трудно переоценить. Очень важно нашему государству в современных условиях информационного противоборства вовремя реагировать на информационную активность потенциальных противников, которые могут пытаться формировать негативный имидж российской армии, подрывая её боеспособность, авторитет, доверие со стороны людей. Насущно возрастание роли информационно-коммуникационных технологий в политике и общественной сфере. В связи с этим появляется возможность более эффективно формировать, внедрять и развивать имидж Вооружённых сил в сознании граждан. Существует распространение противоречивой и разноплановой информации об армии, которая часто не соответствует действительности. Для изменения подобной деятельности необходимы эффективные подходы в области производства и трансляции информации о ВС, применение различных каналов коммуникации для повышения престижа военной службы и доверительного отношения к ней. Необходимо грамотно и профессионально освещать деятельность Вооружённых сил в военных конфликтах. Эффективное информационное сопровождение участия армии в военных действиях (в том числе медийное) снижает возможности потенциальных противников по дискредитации Вооружённых сил. А целостный формируемый образ российской армии на международной арене повышает её силу в глазах мирового сообщества, позитивно влияет на экспорт вооружения в военное сотрудничество. В статье анализируется изменение образа российской армии на современном этапе ее функционирования. Опираясь на достижения отечественной политологии в сфере политической имиджелогии, автор акцентирует внимание на некоторых факторах и тенденциях, как отрицательных, так и положительных, создания имиджа Вооруженных Сил России. Представлена авторская периодизация трансформации имиджа армии. Предложены стратегические векторы его улучшения.

У статті досліджуються етапи становлення імміграційної політики Європейського Союзу. Вводиться періодизація формування спільної політики ЄС у сфері управління міграцією. Запропоновано чотири періоди формування імміграційної політики ЄС, кожний з яких характеризується прийняттям важливих документів, що внесли значні зміни у компетенції інституцій ЄС та винесли регулювання питань міграції на наднаціональний рівень.Основним висновком є те, що жодна країна не в змозі справитися з викликами міграції самотужки, в ізоляції від своїх сусідів, яким доводиться стикатися з подібними проблемами. Це призвело до співробітництва між державами-членами в напрямку обміну досвідом та ідеями щодо управління міграцією, проте питання чи потрібно встановлювати єдині міграційні процедури на рівні ЄС впродовж довгого часу викликали гострі дискусії.На сьогодні регулювання міграційних потоків в Євросоюзі - це політичний процес, який у правовому сенсі координується на основі правового доробку ЄС та національного законодавства держав-членів. Перенесення міграційної політики на наднаціональний рівень дозволяє простежувати зміни, проведені на національних рівнях та реагувати на сучасні виклики міграційного характеру без істотних затримок. ; The historical development of the European Union's immigration policy has been described in the article. The main four phases of common immigration policy of the EU have been examined. Each phase is characterized by the adoption of important agreements and programs. In particular, the principles of Amsterdam Treaty and the Treaty of Lisbon and five-year program have been analyzed in the paper: Tampere (1999), The Hague (2004), Stockholm (2009) and guidelines Ypres (2014). The program contains guidelines for a common politics on the topics of protection of fundamental rights, privacy, minority rights and rights of groups of people in need of special protection, as well as a citizenship of the European Union. Such different spheres as domestic and public security, migration (European pact on immigration and asylum), the combat against the organized crime, and even family law, private law, inheritance law and others have been described in the program. The Ypes guidelines don't constitute a program any more, but they rather guide focusing on the objective of transposition, implementation and consolidation of the existing legal instruments and measures. The guidelines point out the necessity to adopt a holistic approach to migration, making the best possible use of the regular migration, affording protection to those who need it, combating irregular migration and managing borders effectively.The need for the formation of the migration policy is becoming more apparent in view of the fact that globalization increases due to migration flows and its effectiveness depends largely on the cooperation with other Member States, countries of origin and transit countries.Nowadays, regulation of migration flows in the EU is a political process, which is legally coordinated from the acquit of the EU and national legislation of the Member States. Transfer of the migration policy to the supranational level allows tracking changes, made at the national level, in order to respond to the challenge of migration character without significant delay.The main conclusion of the article is that, on the one hand, immigration has become a relevant issue in all the EU countries. On the other hand, as a consequence of different timing of immigration, different socio-economic contexts and varying governmental migration and integration policies, different forms of migration, with different governmental policies of migration and integration, and with different types of migrants have evolved. Such different starting positions should be taken into account when studying the consequences of the immigration and the presence of migrants in society. ; В статье исследуются этапы становления иммиграционной политики Европейского Союза. Вводится периодизация формирования общей политики ЕС в сфере управления миграцией. Предложено четыре периода формирования иммиграционной политики ЕС, каждый из которых характеризуется принятием важных документов, что внесли значительные изменения в компетенции институтов ЕС и вынесли регулирования вопросов миграции на наднациональный уровень.Основным выводом является то, что ни одна страна не в состоянии справиться с вызовами миграции самостоятельно, в изоляции от своих соседей, которым приходится сталкиваться с подобными проблемами. Это привело к сотрудничеству между государствами-членами в направлении обмена опытом и идеями по управлению миграцией, однако вопрос нужно ли устанавливать единые миграционные процедуры на уровне ЕС в течение длительного времени вызывали острые дискуссии.На сегодня регулирование миграционных потоков в Евросоюзе - это политический процесс, который в правовом смысле координируется на основе правового поля ЕС и национального законодательства государств-членов. Перенос миграционной политики на наднациональный уровень позволяет прослеживать изменения, проведенные на национальном уровне и реагировать на современные вызовы миграционного характера без существенных задержек.

More and more often, local politics is becoming the research subject of contemporary experts in political science. Moreover, the local democracy becomes an important issue of researches in transition countries. Spread of the principles of direct democracy on the local level is the factor of democratic reforms stimulation, improvement of civic engagement, achievement of the transparency of government according to the highest European standards. The aim of the article is to set the characteristics of local communities consolidation based on foreign and domestic experience. The specificity of the interaction between local and central elites has been established.It has been argued, that in contemporary Ukraine the decentralization process caused the acquisition of local political parties and formation of their political subjectivity, which is based on equal relations with the central political elites. Activation of local political spectrum on local agenda determines the necessity of close cooperation between the existing political forces and nongovernmental organizations. It has been grounded that the implementation of projects for local area development requires joint solutions and takes into account the importance of main areas of community development. The consolidation process of the majority of Ukrainian local councils has rather dramatic history. It is especially visible from early days of the Ukrainian Independence Day (1991) to the recent local elections in 2015. The most optimal system of solution of inter-fractional conflicts and examples of the local communities' cooperation has been determined in the article.It has been underlined that the local communities' consolidation process in the contemporary world is the problem which has both empirical and theoretical importance. Depending on the size of the local area, local polices are taking different forms. As usual, they provide an agreement and compromise solutions based on issues that are important to the local community. The experience of the developed democracies has shown that local assemblies ensure the establishment of coalitions based on short-termed procedures. The study has tested that an important aspect of the formation of local communities consolidated position is based on development issues and civil participation. It is especially visible in the United States and the EU countries. The municipality level determines the quality of local political bodies, which is formed on party basis. For contemporary Ukraine important tools for provision of political responsibility are forces, which take care about the local communities and determine their development for a long period. Overall, the consolidation of political forces in the local government system is an important task that determines the need for the adoption of regulatory instruments which would ensure the harmonious and constructive political cooperation regardless of their ideological positions. ; У статті вивчено консолідацію місцевих громад як явище перетворення суспільного середовища вітчизняної трансформаційної політичної системи, приділено увагу особливостям злагодженої дії неурядових організацій на рівні місцевих громад. З'ясовано, що ймовірність поширення принципів безпосереднього народного волевиявлення на місцевий рівень виступає чинником стимулювання демократичних реформ, підвищення рівня громадянської активності, забезпечення прозорості діяльності влади, досягнення високих європейських стандартів. Доведена спроможність і актуальність місцевої демократизації в сучасній Україні. Розглянуто подолання обмежень інституційної моделі щодо вироблення спільних правил гри для діяльності місцевих політичних суб'єктів. Виокремлено значення формування широкого консенсусу і забезпечення синхронності у функціонуванні місцевих громад. Метою статті є встановлення особливостей консолідації місцевих громад на основі зарубіжного і вітчизняного досвіду. Розкрито специфіку взаємодії локальних і центральних еліт. Наведено орієнтири консолідації як чинника забезпечення сталого розвитку місцевих громад у політичній площині. Доводиться, що активізації локального політичного спектру сприяє місцевий порядок денний, який визначає необхідність тісної співпраці між діючими політичними силами та громадськими об'єднаннями, які відстоюють конкретні інтереси громадян. ; В статье изучена консолидация местных общин как явление преобразования общественной среды отечественной трансформационной политической системы, уделено внимание особенностям слаженных действий неправительственных организаций на уровне местных общин. Установлено, что вероятность распространения принципов непосредственного народного волеизъявления на местный уровень выступает фактором стимулирования демократических реформ, повышения уровня гражданской активности, обеспечения прозрачности деятельности власти, достижение высоких европейских стандартов. Доказана способность и актуальность местной демократизации в современной Украине. Рассмотрены возможности преодоления ограничений институциональной модели по выработке общих правил игры для деятельности местных политических субъектов. Определено значение формирования широкого консенсуса и обеспечения синхронности в функционировании местных общин. Целью статьи является установление особенностей консолидации местных общин на основе зарубежного и отечественного опыта. Раскрыта специфика взаимодействия локальных и центральных элит. Приведены ориентиры консолидации как фактора обеспечения устойчивого развития местных общин в политической плоскости. Доказывается, что активизация локального политического спектра способствует формированию местной повестке дня, которая определяет необходимость тесного сотрудничества между действующими политическими силами и общественными объединениями, которые отстаивают конкретные интересы граждан.