Suchergebnisse

This dissertation engages with salsa, a Spanish Caribbean music and dance tradition of embodied playfulness, to show how joy figures as an integral part of social justice work. It argues that the Cuba, Puerto Rico, and their diasporic communities have generated a particular mode of consciousness that—while often fetishized and dismissed as carefree and erotic island living—actually dismantles hegemonic forms of gender, sexualization, and racialization. I term this consciousness "salsa epistemology," and define it as an embodied and playful way of knowing produced through Spanish Caribbean cultural practices. Salsa epistemology allows Spanish Caribbean people to navigate hardship by existing simultaneously in the everyday material circumstances of their lives and in the utopian spaces crafted in their media, literature, and philosophy. Both literally and metaphorically, it is the ability to think while one dances, or to dance while one thinks.This dissertation constructs a genealogy of queer cultural production in the Spanish Caribbean during the last 60 years. It privileges queer texts because the convergence of queerness and Caribbeanness produces a generative space for understanding the role of critical utopian ways of knowing, such as salsa epistemology. Indeed it argues that salsa epistemology helps us rethink the social justice lens of both Latina/o Studies and Queer Theory by refusing to engage in the dichotomous assumption that we must attain some level of socio-political justice in order to entertain the possibility of utopia. It pushes scholars torethink playfully how temporality has been understood in critical theory by acknowledging the back and forth that always exists between the present moment and utopia. By suggesting that embodied joy in the present is a powerful force in creating a more equitable future, this dissertation rethinks the future-oriented framework of most social justice movements to argue that justice can be reconceived as something joyful, and that the joyful can reconceived as something just.This dissertation unfolds in five chapters, each of which elaborates a tactic of salsa epistemology at work in Spanish Caribbean written, visual, or aural culture. Chapter one, "Playing Hopefully: The Present and the Utopic in Queer Theory and Puerto Rican Literature," posits "play" as a tactic of salsa epistemology. Chapter two, "Zones of Possibility and Other Forms of Lezamian Consciousness," examines "possibility" as a temporal framework and a tactic of salsa epistemology. Chapter three, "Penetrating Utopia: Sex as Politics in Queer Cuban Exile Literature," posits "sex" as a tactic of salsa epistemology. Chapter four, "Choteo as a Tactic of Resilience in ¿Qué Pasa U.S.A.?" posits "choteo," a Cuban form of humor loosely translated as "kidding," as a tactic of salsa epistemology. The final chapter, "Capitalism con salsa: Money and Popular Culture in the Cuban Diaspora" suggests a non-teleological engagement with capitalism as a tactic of salsa epistemology. Finally, the conclusion, "An Epistemology of Resilience," meditates on my own personal journey to salsa epistemology and on the larger implications of the work as a whole for the survival of the United States' largest growing ethnic group: Latina/os.

Aileen Moreton-Robinson in her book The White Possessive: Property, Power and Indigenous Sovereignty presents a collection of essays on race, dispossession and sovereignty. She argues that 'the thread that weaves the chapter(s) together is the intersubstantive relations between white possession and Aboriginal sovereignty'. Moreton-Robinson's position aligning with the aim of the book as written by a critical Indigenous scholar is clear and well-defined through a wide range of issues that are addressed in each of these essays. Thus, there are a number of avenues that a commentary on this book can take – I choose to focus on two main broader themes in relation to solidarity and power.
The aim of this book is to reveal how racialization is the process by which whiteness operates possessively to define and construct itself as the pinnacle of its own racial hierarchy.
There is no doubt that this is a powerful aim. However, as a migrant to Australia I was questioning the core of this book: are possessive logics only limited to whiteness? According to Aileen Moreton-Robinson, based on the arguments in the book, the answer to this question is undoubtedly 'no' as she limits the boundaries of indigeneity to the US, Canada and New Zealand. This book would have been more impactful had it addressed issues with indigeneity and dispossession beyond the so-called global north context and beyond whiteness.
I would like to acknowledge that I am writing this commentary as a migrant coming into Australia with existing sets of ontological attachments to land. Although Moreton-Robinson does refer to non-white migrants as those that 'can belong, but they cannot possess', she also states:
Nonwhite migrants' sense of belonging is tied to the fiction of terra nullius and the logic of capital because their legal right to belong is sanctioned by the law that enabled dispossession.
There is a lot of emotion attached to the above statement and depending on the ontological positions, various non-white migrant groups will read this accordingly. This is a different take to critical colonial history as compared with Priyamvada Gopal's views in her recent book Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent. Through a comprehensive historical analysis of anticolonial resistance, Gopal illustrates the significant role of solidarity among various groups (white and non-white) to create meaningful revolutions. Solidarity is a key aspect and potentially a way forward towards decolonization, which is missing from The White Possessive.
The above observations and reflections on the book are based on who I am and my relation to Country (as a migrant). The following few paragraphs will focus on specific reflections on the content with reference to the use of Michel Foucault and the post-structural approach framing The Whie Possessive. First, there are some discrepancies in Moreton-Robinson's position as a post-structuralist especially in relation to the issue of power. In the last, third section of the book, Moreton-Robinson uses 'Foucault's sovereignty, race and biopower thesis to propose a new research agenda for Critical Indigenous studies.' In my view, Foucault's concept of power is relational. In Foucault on Power, [...]
The post Aileen Moreton-Robinson, The White Possessive: Property, Power and Indigenous Sovereignty appeared first on Progress in Political Economy (PPE).

Brexit, the European immigration and refugee situation and the Grenfell and Windrush scandals are just some of the recent major events which issues of migration have been at the heart of British social and political agenda. These highlight racism and the fundamental relations people who have settled in the UK have to British collective identity and belonging as well as to the British economy, polity and social relations. 9.4 million UK residents are foreign-born, 14% of the population, just over a third of whom are EU-born. Less than 10% of UK residents are not UK nationals. 20% of the population is of an ethnicity other than White British. Social scientists have observed and analysed such public issues and the public policies that both framed and resulted from them throughout the years. In doing so they have not only helped to document and analyse them but contributed towards their critique and problematisation as part of a public intellectual endeavour towards a more equal and just society. In doing so, much of social sciences research has been empirically informed, often methodologically innovative, theoretically productive and has contributed to our understanding of how processes of racialization and migration have been experienced in diverse ways by different groupings. In this report we aim to highlight some of these contributions and their importance to British society and institutions. At the end of this report, we list, as Further Readings, some of the main contributions members of AcSS and other social scientists have made throughout the years in the field of migration and refugees, racism, and belonging. Rather than attempting to sum up these contributions in the report itself, however, we have selected some of the main issues in this field of study, which present particular challenges to contemporary British society and institutions. We focus in this report on the specific contributions of social sciences to these issues. British social science has been playing for many years an important, often leading, innovative conceptual role in international social science debates. Although the issues we study are presented within their historical and locational contexts, we focus in this report on present day issues which have been crucial to our areas of study, such as the development of a 'hostile environment' and everyday bordering as a major governmental technology in the control and disciplining of diversity and discourses on migrants and racialized minorities. We also examine how the issues we have been studying have been affected by the rise of extreme right and neo-nativist politics in the UK and the role of Brexit in these, as well as the ways different groups and social movements have been resisting these processes of exclusion and racialisation. In this report, we do not present British social sciences as unified and non-conflictual; nor do we see social sciences in the UK as isolated from professional or political developments in other countries and regions. In addition, the report is multi-disciplinary; it covers research from the fields of psychosocial studies, sociology, social policy, economics and politics. It stretches from the local, to the regional and the national. And it is consistentlyintersectional, addressing gender, class, generation, race, ethnicity and religion.

Abstract: This article is based on the following questions: what power strategies are implemented in the current phase of capitalism in pursuit of the "management" of bodies? Do these strategies assume peculiar characteristics in peripheralised geopolitical contexts? Is it possible that in such spaces the key to peculiarity is found in the conjunction between the notions of power, life-death, and race? As a first hypothesis, we will argue that this thinker's contributions to critical theory constitute an unavoidable reading key for analyzing the modes of functioning of power over bodies in the contemporary Global South. This is because -we consider- its notion of "necropolitics" allows us to think genealogically not only the forms that the "processes of racialization" took in their emergency (colonial) context, but also the modalities that racism assumes within the current capitalist phase. Our first objective, then, is to detect - through a brief review of its central texts - both the recurrences and the existing discontinuities between the strategies of construction of "subjects of race" deployed in the period of "modern colonial occupation", and in the "late colonial occupation". A second objective is to answer the question of what bodies have become, today, privileged objects of the "new devices" of identification, classification and racial segregation. Finally, we will present some of Mbembe's reflections -as well as his relations with the proposals of other thinkers- regarding the practices of resistance and "re-existence" that allow us to rethink politics in the present, in the face of these modes of organization and management of life. ; Resumen: El presente artículo parte de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿qué estrategias de poder son puestas en marcha en la actual fase del capitalismo en pos de la "gestión" de los cuerpos? Estas estrategias ¿asumen características peculiares en contextos geopolíticos periferializados? ¿Acaso Es posible que en tales espacios la clave de la peculiaridad se encuentre en la conjunción entre las nociones de poder, vida-muerte, y raza? A modo de primera hipótesis sostendremos que los aportes de este pensador a la teoría crítica constituyen una clave de lectura ineludible para analizar los modos de funcionamiento del poder sobre los cuerpos en el Sur Global contemporáneo. Esto debido a que –consideramos- su noción de "necropolítica" permite pensar genealógicamente no sólo las formas que los "procesos de racialización" tomaron en su contexto de emergencia (colonial), sino también las modalidades que asume el racismo en el seno de la actual fase capitalista. Nuestro primer objetivo consiste, entonces, en detectar -mediante un breve repaso por sus textos centrales- tanto las recurrencias como las discontinuidades existentes entre las estrategias de construcción de "sujetos de raza" desplegadas en el periodo de "ocupación colonial moderna", y en la "ocupación colonial tardía". Un segundo objetivo responder a la pregunta de qué cuerpos se han convertido, hoy, en objetos privilegiados de los "nuevos dispositivos" de identificación, clasificación y segregación racial. Por último, presentaremos algunas reflexiones de Mbembe –así como sus relaciones con las propuestas de otros pensadores- respecto de las prácticas de resistencia y "re-existencia" que permiten repensar la politicidad en el presente, frente a estos modos de organización y gestión de la vida.

Puerto Rico : the ascent and decline of an American colony / Pedro Cabán -- Borders and crossings : lessons of the 1980s Central American solidarity movement for 2010s sanctuary practices / Susan Coutin -- "A cartel built for love" : "Medellín," Pablo Escobar, and the scripts of global Colombianidad / Maria Elena Cepeda -- Geographies of race and ethnicity III : settler colonialism and nonnative people of color" / Laura Pulido -- Disposable strangers : Mexican Americans, Latinxs, and the ethnic label "Hispanic" in the twenty-first century / Suzanne Oboler -- Querying Central America(n) from the U.S. diaspora / Maritza Cárdenas -- More than Christian and Mestizo : race, culture, and identity within Latino/a theology and religious studies / Michelle A. Gonzalez -- DNA Latinx : complicando the double helix / Nelly Rosario -- Guatemalan-origin children's transnational ties / Cecilia Menjívar -- Placing text : culture, place, and the affective dimension of vernacular ambient text / Rebio Diaz-Cardona -- (Re)claiming public space and place : Maya community formation in Westlake/MacArthur Park / Alicia Ivonne Estrada -- Health brokers, shrinks, and urban shamans revisited : networks of care among Argentine immigrants in New York City / Anahi Viladrich -- #FamiliesBelongTogether : Central American family separations from the 1980s to 2019 / Leisy Abrego and Ester Hernandez -- Colonial projects : public housing and the management of Puerto Ricans in New York City, 1945-1970 / Vanessa Rosa -- Puerto Rico, Palestine, and the politics of resistance and surveillance at the University of Illinois Chicago circle / Sara Awartani -- Now why do you want to know about that?' : Heteronormativity, sexism, and racism in the sexual (mis)education of Latina youth" / Lorena Garcia -- Refashioning Afro-Latinidad : Garifuna New Yorkers in diaspora / Paul Joseph López Oro -- The life and times of trans activist Sylvia Rivera / Lawrence La Fountain-Stokes -- '"Blossom as the rose" : exploring a politics of worthiness for millennial Latina/o Latter Day Saints / Sujey Vega -- Guillermo Alvarez Guedes and the politics of play in Cuban America / Albert Sergio Laguna -- Urban designers and the Politics oF latinizing the built environment / Johana Londoño -- The Bronx in focus : the visual politics of En Foco, Inc. / Sebastián Pérez -- Racialized hauntings of the devalued dead / Lisa Marie Cacho -- "Citizenship takes practice" : Latina/o youth, JROTC, and the performance of citizenship / Gina Perez -- In pursuit of property and forgiveness : Lin-Manuel Miranda's Hamilton and In the Heights / Elena Machado Sáez -- Leaving Lima behind : the immigration of Peruvian professionals to Miami / Elena Sabogal -- Latino anti-Black bias and the census categorization of Latinos : race, ethnicity, or other? / Tanya Katerí Hernández -- Regulating space and time : the disciplining of Latina and Black sheltered-homeless women in NYC / Odilka S. Santiago -- The afterlife of U.S. disciplining institutions : transnational structures of (im)mobility among Peruvian deportees / Ulla D. Berg -- Wars, diasporas, and un/re-rooted familial geographies : from Springfield, Massachusetts, to São Paulo, Brazil, and beyond / Bahia Munem -- Regeneration : love, drugs and the remaking of Hispano inheritance / Angela Garcia -- Blackness, Latinidad, and minority linked fate / Jennifer Jones -- Chongivity activity : Latinx hyperfemininity as iconography, performance, and praxis of belonging / Jillian Hernández -- Capturing the church familia : scriptural documents and photographs on the agricultural labor circuit / Lloyd Barba -- Aguanile : critical listening, mourning, and decolonial healing / Frances R. Aparicio -- The power and possibilities of a Latinx community-academic praxis in civic engagement / Mari Castañeda & Joseph Krupczynski -- Bridging activism and teaching in Latinx studies / Lorgia Garcia Peña -- On being a white person of color : using autoethnography to understand Puerto Ricans' racialization / Salvador Vidal-Ortiz -- Brujx : an Afro-Latinx queer gesture / Aisha M. Beliso-De Jesús.

Objective: The graphic work of Victor Patricio de Landaluze in Cuba during the second half of the 19th century allows us to recognize the articulation of leading factors to the gestation of an enduring imaginary, from his foreign gaze. This study aims to highlight the political livelihood in the production and dissemination of these prints in various spaces as part of the colonial dominance strategy. Methodology: The investigation analyses the stages that marked Landaluze's political and creative trajectory in parallel with the study of its printouts, supported by file documents. Originality: The recognition of Landaluze's early political ties to the colonial government will show that the approach to types and customs and their printed dissemination are part of an ideological plot that racialized social relations, which has survived in rhetoric about Cuban-ness. The approach to cultural history is integrated with the study of the regional link system. Conclusions: The gestation of stereotypes, based on the racialization of social groups operated as a mechanism for preserving colonial hegemony on the island, contributed to the dissemination of prints in synchronous times and in diverse spaces. ; Objetivo: el quehacer gráfico de Víctor Patricio de Landaluze en Cuba durante la segunda mitad del siglo XIX permite reconocer la articulación de factores conducentes a la gestación de un imaginario perdurable, desde su mirada como extranjero. Este estudio se propone evidenciar el sustento político en la producción y difusión de dichos impresos en diversos espacios, como parte de la estrategia de dominio colonial. Metodología: se analizan etapas que marcaron la trayectoria política y creativa de Landaluze en paralelo con el estudio de sus impresos y el análisis de documentos de archivo. Originalidad: el reconocimiento de los tempranos vínculos políticos de Landaluze con el gobierno colonial evidenciará que el abordaje de los tipos y costumbres y su difusión impresa forman parte de una trama ideológica que racializó las relaciones sociales, lo cual ha pervivido en una retórica sobre la cubanidad. El enfoque de la historia cultural se integra con el estudio del sistema de vínculos regionales. Conclusiones: la gestación de estereotipos a partir de la racialización de grupos sociales operó como mecanismo de preservación de la hegemonía colonial en la isla, a lo que contribuyó la difusión de impresos en tiempos sincrónicos y en espacios diversos. ; Objetivo: o trabalho gráfico de Victor Patricio de Landaluze em Cuba durante a segunda metade do século xix permite reconhecer a articulação de fatores que levam à gestação de um imaginário duradouro, do seu olhar estrangeiro. Este estudo pretende destacar a subsistência política na produção e disseminação dessas impressões em diversos espaços como parte da estratégia de dominação colonial. Metodologia: as etapas que marcaram a trajetória política e criativa de Landaluze em paralelo com o estudo de suas formas são analisadas, apoiadas na análise de documentos de arquivo. Originalidade: o reconhecimento dos primeiros laços políticos de Landaluze com o governo colonial mostrará que a abordagem dos tipos e costumes e sua disseminação impressa fazem parte de uma trama ideológica que racializou as relações sociais, que sobreviveu na retórica sobre a cubagem. A abordagem da história cultural está integrada ao estudo do sistema de ligação regional. Conclusões: a gestação de estereótipos baseados na racialização de grupos sociais funcionou como mecanismo de preservação da hegemonia colonial na ilha, para a qual contribuiu a disseminação de impressões em tempos síncronos e em diversos espaços.

The period 2015/2016 was marked by several hotspots of turmoil in the European Union. Events such as the euro crisis, the massive arrival of refugees, the terror attacks in Paris and Brussels, the New Year's Eve sexual assaults in Cologne – to name just a few – were perceived as signs of a political crisis challenging the very ideal of Europe as a welcoming and inclusive "imagined community" (Anderson 1982). Several individual member states, often pushed by major advances in their anti-immigration parties, have been key actors in leading the reintroduction of European national border control, the monitoring of non-Europeans, the Othering of bodies according to gender, race, sexuality and religion, the construction of walls and fences, the development of systems of detention and securitization and the promotion of anti-immigration policies. Digital media has played a major role in creating subjectivities around the crisis and promoting processes of Othering. Within this new media ecosystem, online social media perform a key role. By opening the floor to new gatekeepers and blurring the traditional lines dividing audiences and media production, social media allow the generation and dissemination of narratives and frames in a ubiquitous, echo-chamber – that is, an environment or a sphere where people only listen and speak to like-minded peers, so that their own views reverberate and are, thus, reinforced (Sunstein 2007) – and "Facebook disclosure" logic (Wills and Reeves 2009), which stages social media participants as the "true voice of the people", particularly in a time of increasing distrust in traditional media. As such, the moral panic around refugees and Muslims, the gendering and racialization of threat and fear, intertwined with phobias framed by the dichotomy of "us versus them", cannot be understood without critically examining digital media. This essay is part of an on-going transdisciplinary project at the Center of Social Studies, University of Coimbra: (De)Othering: Deconstructing Risk and Otherness: hegemonic scripts and counter-narratives on migrants/refugees and "internal Others" in Portuguese and European mediascapes. This project sets out to critically examine media representations of migrants, refugees and "internal Others" in Portugal and across Europe, while mapping out their interconnections with particular narratives in the field of security and within the War on Terror. This essay examines the role of digital media in amplifying the "sexual moral panic" around migration. We argue that digital media strongly contributes to the dissemination and escalation of phobias of invasion and dangerous sexuality framed by constructions of race and gender, proceeding from widely shared orientalist and colonial archives of racializing rape. This archive sustains the representation of male Muslim and Black migrants and refugees as subverting the sexual order of the European "imagined community". Two European nations, Italy and Germany, will be at the core of our analysis. We will examine digital media circulation of images and videos regarding sexual crimes committed by migrants (namely the rape and murder of young woman in Macerata by a Nigerian migrant in January 2018, the the rape and murder of young woman in Rome by a Nigerian migrant in October the same year, the 2015 New Year's Eve sexual assaults in Cologne and the rape-murder of a student in Freiburg in 2016 by an asylum seeker). The article argues that gender, sexuality, race and other categories of difference were crucial in the social media construction of these events as political crisis and threats to European identity.

L'obiettivo di questa tesi dottorale è sottoporre ad analisi la precoce e progressiva dinamica di "razzializzazione" della società coloniale messicana. Quella della Nuova Spagna del XVI e della prima metà del XVII secolo era una società che si caratterizzò sin dai suoi esordi per la sua estrema diversità culturale e biologica, con le popolazioni indigene mesoamericane, africane, europee e asiatiche che diedero vita ad un processo conosciuto nel mondo storiografico come mestizaje che rifletteva i caratteri di questa nuova società culturalmente e biologicamente eterogenea. Questa ricerca dottorale nasce a partire dall'osservazione di questo fenomeno e insiste sulla necessità di analizzare il progressivo processo di razzializzazione della società novoispana tra XVI e XVII secolo. Il tribunale dell'Inquisizione messicano, istituzione religiosa e politica al medesimo tempo, funge da terreno privilegiato di esplorazione del contesto sociale della Nuova Spagna. Il Sant'Uffizio attraverso il suo articolato reticolo di commissari e familiares fu in grado di raccogliere delazioni, accuse e confessioni: una ricchissima documentazione oggi conservata a Città del Messico. La lettura di processi e denunce ci rivela informazioni preziose circa temi quali composizione sociale, percezione dell'altro e della diversità umana e culturale, propagazione di pratiche di discriminazione su basi etniche e religiose che a volte assunsero la forma di manifestazioni di razzismo ben prima della sua teorizzazione scientifica. Tutto questo non attraverso i testi dei grandi pensatori del tempo bensì tramite i pensieri e le parole della gente comune. Fine ultimo della tesi, quindi, non è presentare una storia "razziale" dell'Inquisizione, ma esaminare la diffusione di stereotipi, pregiudizi, discriminazioni attraverso la ricostruzione di storie afromessicane translocali con un approccio metodologico che si rifà alla tradizionale microstoria italiana in un nuovo terreno di più ampie connessioni e comparazioni a livello atlantico e in parte globale nell'epoca della mondializzazione. ; This doctoral dissertation aims to analyze the progressive process of racialization of colonial Mexico society. New Spain society between the sixteenth and seventeenth century was characterized by a deep cultural and biological diversity, thanks to the Mesoamerican indigenous populations, Africans, Europeans and on a smaller scale Asians which gave life to a process historiographically known as mestizaje, which revealed the features of this new culturally and biologically mixed society. This doctoral research stems from the observation of this phenomenon and insists on the need to study the process described above. The Mexican Inquisition, a religious and political institution at the same time, acts as a rich field of observation of New Spain social context. The Holy Office, thanks to its network of commissioners and familiares, was able to collect a great deal of denunciations, charges, and confessions: an extremely rich archive stored nowadays in Mexico City. On the one hand, the reading of these trials reveals precious information about the social composition, the perception of the other as well as the cultural and human diversity. On the other hand, it allows to reflect on the spread of discrimination practices based on ethnical and religious reasons which sometimes acquired the shape of displays of racism long before its scientific theorization. As a result, this doctoral thesis aims to analyze the dissemination of stereotypes, prejudices, and discriminations through the reconstruction of trans-local Afromexican microhistories, thanks to a methodological approach which relates to the traditional Italian microhistory in a new field of broader connections in the age of the mondialisation of the world.

Language has long been used as a means of indexing one's ethnic, gendered, racial and, arguably, their sexual identities. One's perceived "accent" drawl, tone or even word choice communicates socially constructed cues to listeners. Studies have shown that white listeners often detect an "accent" from speakers of Color even when one is not apparent. My dissertation project focuses on these politics of language within the field of ethnic and media studies. I examine how patterns of "accent" are linked to troubling representations for Chican@ and Latin@ actors have remained noticeably similar throughout the twentieth century despite drastic changes in media technologies. For instance, from celebrity magazine of the 1920s to the digital era Spanish inflected English (SIE) "accents" are perceived and represented in the media in strikingly similar fashion.I analyze racialized linguistic representations across four media formats: print media (1920s-1940s), television (1970s), animated film (2000), and the Internet (2010-2014). Each period represents different moments of heightened racial, immigrant strife often expressed in coded humorous, language play. For instance, staged "accents" and slang worked to racialize Chican@ and Latin@ comedic actors and voiceovers as sidekicks, peripheral characters and non-citizens. "Accent," encased in quotes, is used to emphasize the relational nature and notion that certain people are heard as having one and other not. Two of my dissertation chapters focus on the visual representation of vocal SIE "accents" through word play in subtitles (print media, Internet). The first chapter focuses on Mexican film actress Lupe Vélez and the representation of her linguistic "accent" in fan magazines while the last chapter investigates how web celebrity "La Coacha" uses of accented subtitles in her parody YouTube videos. Two other chapters examine how vocal "accents" and slang are heard and performed in relation to the written directives in scripts (television and animated film). The second chapter addresses the characters Chico Rodriguez and Louie Wilson in the 1970s sitcom Chico and the Man and the subsequent third chapter examines language use and Benjamin Bratt's accented voice over acting of Mexican villain "El Macho" in Despicable Me: 2 (2013). Together, these four case studies demonstrate how language has long been a primary mode of racialization, which recurrently casts People of Color as both funny and foreign across different media forms.I use a feminist critical discourse (FCD) analysis as my primary approach. This analysis focuses on how knowledge is produced, reported, and used. FCD refers to how the systems of gender are produced in cultural productions by focusing on the linguistic tactics in relation to struggles of power and agency. The literal language is investigated as well as the power dynamics that are not made explicit by the text. Archival materials such as magazines, television and film scripts, and analog videos were consulted. I also engaged in acousmatic listening in order to analyze the "accent" in question, for example a video clip's sound was transcribed, meaning the dialogue, without the visual image, in order to analyze and interrogate how the "accent" is vocalized. My project makes key contributions to topics related to Chican@ and Latin@, media, and linguistic fields. This interdisciplinary approach to language and media representation pushes the boundaries of how to study language in a fictionalized context when viewers read the speaker as a real person and not a scripted character. Ultimately, I investigate how the racial politics of language helped craft several character tropes largely assigned to performers, actors, and comedians of Color in media.

Gewalt ist nicht nur Ereignis, sondern auch Prozess und Verhältnis. Sie zerstört Ordnung nicht nur, sondern begründet sie auch und hält sie aufrecht. Der Dimension des Wissens wird in den meisten Gewaltdebatten nur wenig Bedeutung beigemessen, gilt sie doch als Gegenteil von oder als Gegenmittel zu Gewalt. Mit dem Begriff der "epistemischen Gewalt" rückt die Autorin den konstitutiven Zusammenhang von Wissen, Herrschaft und Gewalt in der kolonialen Moderne, unserer Gegenwart, in den Fokus. Ausgehend von feministischer, post- und dekolonialer Theorie entwickelt sie in Auseinandersetzung mit struktureller, kultureller, symbolischer und normativer Gewalt ein transdisziplinäres Konzept epistemischer Gewalt.

Chapter 1. Comprehending the Nature of the Beast -- Part I. Rethinking the Nature of Prejudice -- Chapter 2. Populism: A Conceptual Overview -- Chapter 3. Demagogy and Populism in the Americas -- Chapter 4. Seeking Control of Life and the World Through Populist Politics -- Chapter 5. Truth and Democracy: An Uncomfortable Relation in Contemporary American Democracy -- Chapter 6. Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge -- Chapter 7. The Relationship Between Mainstream and Populist Parties: The Portuguese Case -- Chapter 8. "I Can't Breathe": the Bible and Bonhoeffer on Race and Suffering in America -- Chapter 9. The Swedish Nightmare in Racialization: The Dismantlement of Bounding Social Capital in Scandinavian Welfare States -- Chapter 10. Governance for Sustainable Development Goals in Cosmopolitan Governance: Basic Ethical Principles for Ethical Behavior in Public Organizations and Institutions -- Chapter 11. Self-esteem and Intergroup Discrimination -- Chapter 12. Domain Specific Self-esteem, Threats to Group Value and Intergroup Discrimination Amongst Minimal and Real Groups -- Part II. The Nature of Bias and Aggressive Policing -- Chapter 13. The Nature of Bias: Effects of Institutionalized Prejudices and Theoretical Explanations for Its Development -- Chapter 14. The Correlates of Prejudice: Groupthink and Individual Psychological Attributes -- Chapter 15. Many Roads Lead to Rome - College, Career, Commitment (Marriage), Oh My: Is Conceiving All These Still Extrinsically Linked in the Era of Fake News? -- Chapter 16. Police Fiction: Native American Activists' Political Murders at or Near Pine Ridge, South Dakota, 1973-1976 -- Chapter 17. A Double-edged Sword": Black Collegiate Women's Perceptions of Law Enforcement -- Part III. Social Identity and Intergroup Behavior -- Chapter 18. How Ingroup Favouritism Functions as a Defense Against Threat -- Part IV. Xenophobic Scapegoating and Racism -- Chapter 19. Umshini Wami (Cry, the Beloved Continent!): Erasing South Africa's 'toxic' and Worsening Afrophobia, Afronegativity (Recycling Hatred), Aversive Racism, and Xeno-racism – After Mandela -- Chapter 20 Xenophobia in the United States: Structural Drivers -- Chapter 21. From Eugenics to Eco-fascism: a History of Xenophobic Scapegoating -- Chapter 22. India - Hindus and Muslims: Religion and Racism -- Part V. Africentricism, and Non-eurocentric Perspectives -- Chapter 23. Debunking False Theoretical Concepts, Appreciating Asylums and Fending Off Media Attacks, Theological Misorientation, and Sexual Misorientation -- Chapter 24. Aziboist Concepts and Psycho-cultural-political Orientations for Socially Engineering Aright the New African Person -- Chapter 25. Listening to Blutopia: Sounds of Afrofuturism Perspective -- Chapter 26. The Fascinating Legacy of Yoruba Culture, Gods, and the Genesis of Civilization -- Chapter 27. Santeria (African Cultural Ideas) Under Attack: The Attempted Erasure of Lucumi and Extinguishing of a Cultural Candle -- Chapter 28. Caste, Class, and Globalization in India Revisited: Some Aspects of Continuity and Change -- Chapter 29. Tenskwatawa, the Holy Man of the Pan-India Resistance, 1804–1810 -- Part VI. Pandemics and Environmental Crisis -- Chapter 30. Racism and Inequality in the Deep South: The Health and Sociocultural Correlates of HIV/AIDS Among African Americans and the Legacy of Slavery -- Part VII. Race and Justice -- Chapter 31. Race, Ethnicity and Perceived Everyday Discrimination in the United States -- Chapter 32. Civil Liberties in Uncivil Times - the Perilous Quest to Preserve American Freedoms During Its First Two Centuries -- Chapter 33. Civil Liberties in Uncivil Times - Preserving Traditional American Freedoms After 9/11 -- Part VIII. Social Psychology of Prejudice -- Chapter 34. "If You're Brown, Stick Around; Black, Turn Back": "Honorary Whiteness" Status and Immigration Policy -- Chapter 35. "Snitches Get Stitches": Why Most Bullied Young People Don't Disclose Incidents of Bullying and Harassment -- Chapter 36. Is There Anything New in Anti-semitism? Settler Colonialism -- Chapter 37. Muslims, Populism, and Scapegoat Theory -- Part IX. Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion -- Chapter 38. "Continental Africa or Europeans? Confronting the Paradox of "Afronegativity" and "xenoracism" in Nigeria-south Africa Relations" -- Chapter 39. More Than Just Talking Anti-oppression: the Use of Racial Dialogue to Combat Intolerance in the Classroom -- Chapter 40. Bullying Perpetration and Perceptions of Familial Acceptance of Aggression Among Young People at University -- Part X. The Grand Dichotomy Reconsidered -- Chapter 41. Democracy in American Public Discourse: Power and the Crisis of Leadership, Race, and Division (or Unity) -- Chapter 42. Race: The Irreconcilable Conflict Threatening Americas' Future (and Indeed the World) -- Chapter 43. Race, Class, and Populism: Global Perspectives.

In my dissertation, I focus on one question: to what extent do Muslim Americans face discrimination by legislators, the media, and masses? As such, it provides the first comprehensive analysis of Muslim American political discrimination. This question is important because while anecdotal signs of increasing Islamophobia in each of these domains are pervasive, they are unsupported by quantitative evidence. In contrast, my dissertation uses quantitative methods, including survey experiments, field experiments, and text analysis of media transcripts, to sys- tematically develop a nuanced theory of America's racial hierarchy that (a) takes into a account a new group (Muslim Americans) and (b) demonstrates that racial groups exhibit malleable status relative to other groups over time.There are 3.3 million Muslims in the U.S., about 1% of the total population. Attacks on Muslim Americans have become increasingly common, particu- larly since the attacks of September 11, 2001, and have surged in response to episodes of violence perpetrated by Islamic extremists and to the political rhetoric by GOP pres- idential nominee Donald Trump (Abdelaker 2016). Despite their increasing political relevance, however, very little is known about the treatment of and political attitudes towards Muslim Americans. I argue this rampant racialization of Muslim Americans – that is observable in the media, by legislators, and among White attitudes – has led to a shifting racial hierarchy where Blacks no longer are at the bottom, but which is malleable over time and in different contexts. The shift in mass attitudes has likewise moved the racial hierarchy to situate Muslim Americans near the bottom and has stark implications for their status in American democracy.Through two audit studies, the first part of my dissertation evaluates the quality of legislator responsiveness to Muslim Americans. The first experiment was conducted on all state legislators and evaluates responses to individual constituents who ask for an application for a political internship. The second was run on state legislators from states with large Muslim American populations, and evaluated responses to requests for a legislative visit by a Muslim American religious leader in that state. These two experiments find widespread discrimination against Muslim Americans across the country. However, in states with larger Muslim American populations, Democratic legislators exhibit less discrimination, supporting a theory of substantive representation.Next, my dissertation examines how public attitudes towards Muslim American candidates for political office. Little information exists on how the public assesses and treats Muslim candidates for political office. To fill this gap, I ran multiple candidate evaluation survey experiments to answer the question: "Do individual Ameri- cans demonstrate discriminatory behavior against Muslim-American candidates relative to Whites?" In Democratic primaries, respondents are significantly less likely to vote for the Muslim American as opposed to the White candidate. In Republican primaries, however, Muslim American candidates were not statistically disadvantaged compared to their White counterparts. All of this supports the theory that minority Republicans can be uniquely advantaged.Finally, my dissertation examines how television news has framed Muslim Americans in its broadcasts, relative to other groups, and how this coverage, in turn, affects public's attitudes. For this project, I collected all available CNN, MSNBC, and FOX news broadcast transcripts from 1992-2015, conducted sentiment analysis, and ran a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of Whites. I find evidence for a shifting racial hierarchy that has varied over time and has situated Muslim Americans at the bottom. I also find that negative coverage increases resentment towards Muslim Americans and increases support for policies restricting their freedoms, while positive coverage has no effect.These bleak findings have stark implications for the quality of Muslim American participation and representation in American democracy. Moreover, my method of reconstructing America's racial hierarchy through the sentiment each racial group experiences in its media coverage repositions groups and argues for a more fluid racial hierarchy that is tied to the events of the day.

The paper assesses policy responses to international migration into Britain since 1945. The immediate post-war period was characterized by accelerating immigration into Britain from the Caribbean, the Indian sub-continent and elsewhere from the former British Empire. Most international migrants arrived with British citizenship at that time and there were few specific policy responses to such immigration. The 1960s witnessed the beginning of the development of the 'dual strategy' to deal with the increasing ethnic heterogeneity of Britain. Successive Governments have progressively limited the right of access to Britain from the Commonwealth. This strategy has been labelled as «Fortress Britain» and has involved the racialization of entry requirements. Parallel to restrictions upon entry, policies have been developed across many areas of society to promote equal rights and opportunities for ethnic minorities. These include both first-generation international migrants and their descendants. Central to this policy has been legislation to outlaw racial discrimination. This has been championed by the national Commission for Racial Equality and local Community Race Councils. In the sphere of housing much policy impinges upon ethnic minorities. However, ethnic differences in housing tenure are deep-set within British society. Recently, the new Labour Government has put equal housing opportunities on the agenda once more. However, most implementation remains in the hands of voluntary associations and/or local agencies, and there is strong evidence that the deep structure of ethnic housing differences and disadvantage remains within contemporary Britain. In the sphere of education the picture is more complex and more diverse. Some ethnic minority groups achieve educational results well above the average for the autochthonous population. There are also significant gender differences between ethnic groups which continue to perplex sociologists. ; El documento evalúa las respuestas políticas a la migración internacional a Gran Bretaña desde 1945. El período de posguerra se caracterizó por el aumento de la inmigración al Reino Unido procedente del Caribe, el subcontinente indio y de cualquier lugar que hubiera pertenecido al Imperio Británico. La mayoría de los inmigrantes que llegaron entonces lo hicieron con la ciudadanía británica y hubo escasas respuestas políticas a tal inmigración. Los años sesenta presenciaron el inicio del desarrollo de la «estrategia dual», destinada a tratar con la creciente heterogeneidad étnica de Gran Bretaña. Los sucesivos gobiernos han ido limitando el derecho de acceso al Reino Unido a los inmigrantes procedentes de la Commonwealth. A esta estrategia se le ha llamado «Fortaleza Gran Bretaña» y ha traído consigo una serie de requisitos de entrada que dependen del grupo étnico de pertenencia. Paralelamente a estas restricciones para la entrada, se han desarrollado políticas para promover la igualdad de derechos y oportunidades de las minorías étnicas en muchas áreas de la sociedad. Éstas incluyen tanto a los inmigrantes de primera generación como a sus descendientes. La ilegalidad de la discriminación racial ha sido uno de los puntos clave de esta política. Esto ha sido defendido por la Comisión Nacional para la Igualdad Racial y por los Consejos Raciales de cada comunidad. En el ámbito de la vivienda, hay numerosas medidas políticas que afectan a las minorías étnicas. Sin embargo, las diferencias étnicas en cuanto a la tenencia de vivienda están muy establecidas en la sociedad británica. Recientemente, el gobierno laborista ha puesto sobre la mesa, una vez más, el tema de la igualdad de oportunidades para la adquisición de una vivienda. No obstante, la parte esencial de la puesta en práctica de estos planes sigue estando en manos de asociaciones de voluntarios y/o de agencias locales, y resulta evidente que las diferencias y las desventajas étnicas en el ámbito de la vivienda se mantienen en la Gran Bretaña moderna.

Drawing on cultural history, Portrait of a Barrio: Memory and Popular Culture in Barelas, NM, 1881-2000, by Alicia M. Romero, traces the creation and evolution of a stereotype of Barelas, a centuries-old Albuquerque community. It demonstrates how popular culture affected social membership, the criminalization of identity, the racialization of poverty, and complicates questions concerning national memory and claims of belonging. It explores how the people of Barelas, and communities of color more generally, often competed with and at times embraced identities enforced upon them. Those identities in Barelas varied with developments in urbanization, popular culture, public policy, and academic inquiry throughout the twentieth century. They also depended on internal developments in the community itself; the residents' voices are highlighted as a means to combat constructed representations of and for Barelas. Portrait of a Barrio considers how Barelas was indeed framed – criminally and visually – and how the resulting stereotypes of that frame determined social membership for over a century. The study begins in the 1880s, when modes of industrialization effectively transformed what was for the most part an agricultural, Spanish-speaking community into an urban barrio that worked to support the new American economic structure in Albuquerque. East coast photographers new to the area visually framed the neighborhood, celebrating the open landscapes and its exotic non-white inhabitants. These images provided the first reference points that influenced future outsider perspectives of Hispanic life and cultural norms in New Mexico. Over the course of several generations, Barelas' image and representations of the residents – los Bareleños – mirrored trends in the ill treatment of people of color nationwide. Ultimately by the 1970s, those negative representations denied membership to half of the community and resulted in their displacement. After years of inattention and neglect from the local government, by the 1990s a fight ensued over Barelas' memory, its location, and its history as the State of New Mexico battled a lifelong, elderly resident for control of the barrio's future. The wedding together of oral history and photography provides an alternative to the standard barrio narrative that leaves little room for resident agency. The memories and vernacular photography used here suggest that, while ultimately unsuccessful in the urban renewal fight, Bareleños' centuries-old identification with their community lasted long after many of their homes faced destruction. Supplementing the photographs and memories with novels, film, and variety of traditional sources truly reveals the many elements at play that coalesced to shape one community's future and fortune. These sources detail a community's struggle to maintain its sense of self and belonging, despite negative formations of public opinion that ultimately proved damaging to community livelihood. Negative public opinion served to erase prior generations of prosperity and replace those memories with near inescapable representations of backwardness, poverty, and un-Americanness. Portrait of a Barrio is an investigation into the construction of an evolving external identity and the struggle to preserve and celebrate an internal, heterogeneous one for Nuevomexicanos (Spanish-speaking, multi-generational New Mexicans) in one Albuquerque barrio. It privileges community voices and perspectives over those of the oppressive sociopolitical forces that silenced them over time. For the history of New Mexico, it adds to the historiographical overhaul of a Spanish identity tied to a tri-cultural harmony. For Chicano/a and borderlands histories, this study contributes to the growing scholarship of urban renewal in the Southwest and provides the residents themselves to tell their own story contrary to the story that has been constructed for them. The people of Barelas are actively fighting to regain the right to their own individual self-determination and the assertion of new, positive identities for their barrio as a whole, and in fact, they are recreating and celebrating a frame of their own design.

International audience In France, CPEFs are local, public units where birth control and abortion are freely offered to women in need. Based upon an ethnographic fieldwork conducted in two units located within the Paris suburbs, this article examines how institutions transform in practice women's bodies and psyches, as it promotes new ways of perceiving selves, bodies, and sexualities. Birth planning and abortion support, which are feminist projects (discursively and practically speaking), increase female agency and reinforce women's control over themselves, their bodies, and their reproductive capacities. These actions are highly political, as they promote a process of self-reform through care and support. However, this work upon self and others relies on a normative definition of female identity, which does not only emancipate: It also produces new discriminatory dynamics and enforces racial hierarchies, which – in the French context – raise question of nationalism and citizenship, and about the way these stakes currently frame reproductory and sexual issues. ; En France, les Centres de Planification et d'Education Familiale proposent des consultations médicales et un accompagnement à la contraception et à l'IVG. A partir d'une enquête ethnographique réalisée dans deux unités de la région parisienne, cet article montre comment des institutions agissent, en pratique, sur le corps et la psyché des femmes. La prise en charge encourage le déploiement d'une nouvelle manière d'appréhender son potentiel reproducteur. Cette action – féministe dans son principe et son exercice – renforce les capacités des usagères et le contrôle qu'elles exercent sur leur corps et leur sexualité ; mais elle est aussi un projet politique qui, par le soin et le soutien, participe d'un processus de réforme de soi. Or ce travail, adossé à une définition normative de l'identité féminine, ne fait pas qu'émanciper. Il produit aussi de nouvelles logiques discriminatoires et renforce des hiérarchies raciales qui interrogent, dans le contexte ...