Suchergebnisse

Zemlje centralne i istočne Europe (CEE) u posljednjih 30 godina prošle su kroz dvije značajne političke, odnosno institucionalne transformacije, koje su izazvale snažne efekte na gospodarskom inovacijskom planu zemalja. Međutim, transformacijom sustav nije u potpunosti iščeznulo političko, institucionalno i tehnološko nasljeđe planske ekonomije. Ovim radom analizirati će se utjecaj transformacije inovacijskog sustava na promjenu kvalitete tehnoloških sektora CEE zemalja. Naime, promatrati će se promjene kvalitete inovacija pojedinih tehnoloških sektora tijekom tri vremenska razdoblja kroz koje su CEE zemlje prošle. Priljevom stranog kapitala, ali i tehnologije i znanja, CEE zemlje bilježe pozitivne pomake u kvaliteti njihovih inovacija, međutim, vrijeme provedeno u planskoj ekonomiji rezultiralo gradnjom specifičnih proizvodnih kapaciteta, te prelaskom na tržišno gospodarstvo navedene zemlje nisu se uspjele značajno osloboditi tehnološkog nasljeđa. Naime, razumijevanje dugoročnih trendova kretanja tehnološkog portfelja zemlje pomoći će u orijentaciji javne politike, investicija, smanjenje rizika ulaganja što će rezultirati rastom efikasnosti u inovacijskog sustava.

The most important changes in cartography are associated with the development of computer technology, and regarding the function and usage of maps, the accent has been given to cartographic visualisation. Animation, multimedia presentation, Internet, WWW, market economy and politics have remarkably influenced cartography. The paper emphasises the need for closer collaboration of experts in informatics, geodesists, geographers, spatial planners and others with cartographers. The future of cartography is associated with map production, GIS, visualisation of spatial databases, and the production of detailed three-dimensional landscape presentations. ; Najvažnije promjene u kartografiji vezane su uz razvoj računalne tehnologije i geoinformacijskih sustava (GIS-a), a glede funkcije i upotrebe karata naglasak je na kartografskoj vizualizaciji. Na kartografiju također znatno utječu animacija, multimedijski prikazi, Internet, WWW, tržišno gospodarstvo ipolitika. Kartografija se mijenja od ponudom vođene do zahtjevom vođene kartografije. U radu je posebno istaknuta potreba uže suradnje informatičara, geodeta, geografa, prostornih planera i drugih s kartografima. Budućnost kartografije nije samo u izradi karata, već i u GIS-ovima, vizualizaciji prostornih baza podataka i izradi detaljnih trodimenzionalnih prikaza krajolika.

Disinformation has become a geopolitical risk for transatlantic institutions and for the global democratic alliance. Russia and China as authoritarian powers have had a long-standing interest to undermine the institutions of the liberal international order, led by the United States, the European Union and the NATO alliance. That way, disinformation can undermine trust in the liberal democratic system, including free market economy, individual liberty and open society. This geopolitical risk poses a significant threat to fact-based and evidence-based policymaking in many areas, including economy and security. Comprehensive counter-intelligence policy solutions can detect and mitigate this risk by ensuring broader institutional and societal resilience through lifelong civic education. ; Dezinformacije su postale geopolitički rizik za transatlantske institucije i za globalno demokratsko savezništvo. Rusija i Kina kao autoritarne sile imaju dugotrajni interes za potkopavanje institucija liberalnog međunarodnog poretka, pod vodstvom Sjedinjenih Država, Europske unije I NATO saveza. Na taj način dezinformacije mogu potkopavati povjerenje u sustav liberalne demokracije, uključujući slobodno tržišno gospodarstvo, individualne slobode i otvoreno društvo. Navedeni geopolitički rizik predstavlja značajnu prijetnju za stvaranje javnih politika na temelju činjenica i dokaza u mnogim područjima, uključujući ekonomiju i sigurnost. Cjelovita rješenja protuobavještajne javne politike mogu detektirati i ublaživati navedeni rizik, osiguravajući širu institucionalnu i društvenu otpornost kroz cjeloživotno građansko obrazovanje.

During the 1990s Croatia went through the process of transition to market economy mostly following the Washington Consensus policy guidelines. Since the period before the last global financial crisis, Croatia has shown almost no convergence to developed European Union member states and has been among the least developed ones. This paper examines the causes of Croatian development lag, while providing an overview of contemporary development policies and international production fragmentation trends that affected them. The paper points out to several important factors that shaped the Croatian development path. Expectations from foreign capital were overrated, as the foreign direct investment consisted mainly of brownfield investment in large monopolistic companies and was rarely directed to export-oriented sectors. Accession to the World Trade Organisation was followed by stronger growth of imports than exports and joining the European Union did not bring economic growth as fast as expected. Lack of industrial policy implementation has led Croatia to deindustrialisation and increasing importance of the tourism sector as a form of the Dutch disease. ; Hrvatska je potkraj prošlog stoljeća prošla kroz proces tranzicije na tržišno gospodarstvo uglavnom slijedeći smjernice Washingtonskog konsenzusa. U razdoblju prije posljednje globalne financijske krize, Hrvatska nije pokazala gotovo nikakvu konvergenciju s razvijenim članicama Europske unije te je pripadala skupini najmanje razvijenih članica. Ovaj rad istražuje uzroke zaostajanja Hrvatske, pružajući istovremeno pregled suvremenih razvojnih politika i međunarodnih trendova fragmentacije proizvodnje koji su na njih utjecali. Rad ukazuje na nekoliko važnih čimbenika koji su oblikovali hrvatski razvojni put. Očekivanja od priljeva stranog kapitala bila su precijenjena, jer su se izravna inozemna ulaganja uglavnom sastojala od brownfield ulaganja u velika monopolistička poduzeća i rijetko su bila usmjerena na izvozno orijentirane sektore. Pristupanje Svjetskoj trgovinskoj organizaciji popraćen je snažnijim rastom uvoza od izvoza, a pridruživanje Europskoj uniji nije donijelo gospodarski rast onako brzo kako se očekivalo. Nedostatak implementacije industrijske politike doveo je Hrvatsku do deindustrijalizacije i sve veće važnosti turističkog sektora kao oblika nizozemske bolesti.

After the first phase of privatization - transformation of ownership - the ownership structure in catering and tourism has been established with the dominant share of the State funds (The CPF and The PF) and of small shareholders. The present ownership structure cannot survive as incompatible to market economy. The lack of the development strategy and privatization strategy are unfavourable for the optimalisation of the ownership structure. However, it is possible to consider some process changes in respect to the subjects of privatization. The CFP will gradually disappear and the number and share amount of small shareholders will decrease considerably. New forms of private capital will appear - holding companies, family and individual capitals of different size and organization. From the aspect of needed strategy, it is necessary to accept the dynamics, aims of privatization and the increase of foreign capital. Catering and tourism need to be adapted for further privatization (recovery and reconstruction). In respect to the optimal ownership structure and possible strategic interests (investment possibilities, Diaspora, small shareholders) market rules and the main role of the State in further process of privatization must be considered. ; Za hrvatsko gospodarstvo i društvo djelatnost ugostiteljstva i turizma ima značenje koji glede privatizacije poprima strategijsku važnost. Prvu fazu privatizacije - pretvorbu vlasništva - karakterizira veliki broj, velika vrijednost i velika disperzija vrijednosti poduzeća, lociranost poduzeća i političko-ratni utjecaj te izostanak priljeva kapitala. U formalnoj vlasničkoj strukturi pretežiti portfelj pripada malim dioničarima te Hrvatskom fondu za privatizaciju i Mirovinskom fondu, a značajan je i udio banaka, državnih poduzeća i osiguravateljskih društava. U stvarnoj vlasničkoj strukturi, međutim, HPP i MF kao institucionalni oblici države dominiraju s udjelom i do 90%. Za daljnje vlasničko strukturiranje ugostiteljstva i turizma nepovoljno je to to nema strategije razvoja. Neki su ciljevi prepoznatljivi kao što su razvoj tržišnog gospodarstva, ubrzanje gospodarskog rasta, udvostručenje brutto društvenog proizvoda do 2000. godine. Strategije, međutim, kao holističkog, i sinergičkog sustava stanja, mjera, ciljeva i metoda još nema. Postojeća vlasnička struktura ne može se održati. Ona je primjerena tržišnim gospodarstvima i izravna smetnja uspostavljanju logičkog kruga tržišnog gospodarstva i tržišne institucionalizacije: privatno vlasništvo - kapital - poduzetništvo. Stoga je različita perspektiva subjekata postojeće vlasnčeke strukture. Mali dioničari, kao specifična kategorija malih vlasnika, ali ne investitora, očekivano će tendirati ozbiljnom ukupnom smanjenju udjela u ugostiteljstvu i turizmu. Banke i državna poduzeća ponajprije moraju i sami promijeniti vlasničku strukturu. Sadašnje nastojanje da se ulozi zbog likvidnosti prodaju očekivano će se transformirati u politiku interesnog pribavljanja portfelja. Mirovinski fond će zbog elemenata svoje funkcije dugoročno zadržati svoj udjel u ugostiteljstvu i turizmu. Naime, MF tendira da preraste u instituciju autonomnog financiranja na temelju vlasništva vrijednosnih papira. Zato će MF zadržati portfelj u turizmu kao perspektivno profitabilnoj grani (nadprosječno). Hrvatski fond za privatizaciju prodat će u narednom razdoblju pretežiti dio svog portfelja. To je i njegov osnovni zadatak u okviru moguće strategije razvoja i privatizacije. Iz strategijskih razloga HFP može i zadržati svoj portfelj, dijelom ili u cjelini, u poduzećima posebitog značenja. U procesu privatizacije afirmirati će se i novi subjekti vlasništva u ugostiteljstvu i turizmu: privatne grupe poduzeća u jedinstvenoj organizaciji holding tipa, institucionalni investitori (potencijalno), obiteljski kapital i pojedinačni kapitali različite veličine i organizacije. Od posebnog značenja su potencijalni subjekti vlasništva iz inozemstva. Njihovo značenje proizlazi iz činjenice da domaće akumulacije nema i jer subjekti iz inozemstva podrazumijevaju i hrvatsku dijasporu. Glede moguće strategije razvoja gospodarstva i djelatnosti ugostiteljstva i turizma nužno je prezentirati proces kao optimalizaciju vlasničke strukture. Taj proces mora uzeti u obzir relevantne ciljeve privatizacije (tržišno gospodarstvo - tržišno društvo), primjerenu dinamiku, ravnopravnost kapitala, značenje priljeva inozemnog kapitala (posebito od dijaspore) te ulogu države kao presudnog činitelja strategije.

The restructuring of the economy and transition to a market economy have had different impacts on the economic position of regions. The level of impact that changed economic and socio-political circumstances caused in the individual regions depended on various factors: the economic structure of the regions, their ability to reroute onto foreign markets, development potentials, development strategies, and their strategic decisions. Development problems are distinctive predominantly in areas suffering from structural backwardness and economic weakness with predominantly rural orientation, areas facing demographic problems, low income per inhabitant and high unemployment rate. The peripheral nature of the underdeveloped areas caused the emptying of the countryside and concentrating of the population in urban centers. Unfavorable demographic picture, emigration of the young, poor educational structure and shortage of adequate staff, and absence of strategic decisions had led to an increasing setback of the underdeveloped regions compared to the developed ones. The results of empirical analyses of division NUTS 3 regions in Slovenia into groups, taking into account the selected development indicators, lead to the conclusion that economic development has not been conducted in the context of modern understanding of balanced regional development and in accordance with the principle of integrity of implementing regional policy in the entire state territory. The existing regional developmental differences confirm the thesis that market mechanism on its own will not reduce economic inequality and substantiate the need for efficient conduct of regional policy. ; Prestrukturiranje gospodarstva i prijelaz na tržišno gospodarstvo imali su različit utjecaj na gospodarski položaj regija. Utjecaj promijenjenih gospodarskih i društveno-političkih okolnosti u pojedinim regijama ovisio je o brojnim čimbenicima: gospodarskoj strukturi regija, njihovoj sposobnosti da se preorijentiraju na strana tržišta, razvojnim potencijalima, razvojnim strategijama te strateškim odlukama. Razvojni problemi su posebice izraženi u područjima koja obilježavaju strukturno nazadovanje i gospodarske slabosti vezane uz ruralnu orijentaciju, u demografski ugroženim područjima, te u područjima s niskim prihodima po stanovniku i visokim stopama nezaposlenosti. Periferan položaj slabije razvijenih područja uzrokovao je demografsko pražnjenje ruralnih područja i koncentraciju stanovništva u urbanim centrima. Nepovoljna demografska slika, iseljavanje mladog stanovništva, nepovoljan obrazovni sastav stanovništva, nedostatak stručnih kadrova, te nedostatak strateških odluka rezultirali su sve većim zaostajanjem slabije razvijenih regija za razvijenim regijama. Rezultati empirijskih analiza podjele NUTS 3 regija u Sloveniji u grupe, uzimajući u obzir odabrane razvojne pokazatelje, pokazali su da gospodarski razvoj nije bio u skladu sa suvremenim poimanjem ujednačenoga regionalnog razvoja ni u skladu s principom integriteta primjene regionalne politike na čitavom državnom teritoriju. Postojeće regionalne razvojne nejednakosti potvrđuju tezu da tržišni mehanizam sam po sebi ne može smanjiti gospodarske nejednakosti i nadomjestiti potrebu za učinkovitim provođenjem regionalne politike.

Since 2003, a struggle for political priorities exists in Bolivia between the social sectors registered with President Evo Morales' Movement for Socialism and the regionalist organisations of the richest departments. The former called for a Constituent Assembly by 2007, the latter requiring prior departmental autonomy. These divergences, both political and ideological, resulted in major mobilisations that precipitated the resignation of President Carlos Mesa in June 2005 and also reflected the existence of two opposing political models, one based on the market economy, the other based on the reconstitution of a strong state, or at least regulating and protecting rights. ; Desde 2003, una lucha de prioridades políticas existe en Bolivia entre los sectores sociales inscritos al partido Movimiento al socialismo del presidente Evo Morales y las organizaciones regionalistas de los departamentos más ricos. Los primeros reclaman una Asamblea Constituyente antes de 2007, los segundos exigen una previa autonomía departamental. Estas divergencias, a la vez políticas e ideológicas, se tradujeron en grandes movilizaciones que precipitaron la demisión del presidente Carlos Mesa en junio de 2005 y además, reflejaron la existencia de dos modelos políticos opuestos, uno fundado en la economía de mercado, otro cimentado en la reconstitución de un Estado fuerte, o al menos regulador y protector de derechos.

International audience n this article, we examine how traditional conceptions of poor's relief, which dominated not only the Edo period but also the beginning of the Meiji period, had to be reconsidered with the social consequences of the introduction of market economy and the industrialization. We try then tounderstand how the elites had come to think the social integration of the working class, not through the labor unions, but on the basis of a new place of communitarian solidarity, intermediary between the state and the family: the enterprise. Finally, we see how this mode of social integration and solidarity imposed itself only through a radical critic of capitalism that was formulated in the frame of the "new order" put in place at the occasion of World War II. ; Dans cet article, nous voyons comment les conceptions de l'assistance aux pauvres, qui avaient dominé la période Edo, mais aussi le début de l'ère Meiji, durent être revues avec la naissance de la question sociale provoquée par l'introduction de l'économie de marché et l'industrialisation. Nouscherchons alors à comprendre comment les élites en vinrent à penser un mode d'intégration sociale de la classe ouvrière reposant, non pas sur les syndicats, mais sur un nouveau lieu de solidarité communautaire, intermédiaire entre l'Etat et la famille : l'entreprise. Nous voyons enfin comment cemode d'intégration sociale et de solidarité ne s'imposa réellement qu'avec une critique radicale du capitalisme développée dans le cadre d'un « nouvel ordre » mis en place à l'occasion de la Seconde Guerre mondiale.

Drawing on an ethnography of life in a Ghanaian weaving workshop, this article traces the intersections between young rural weavers' affective labour, hope and their experiences of immobility. Hope is explored as an ambivalent resource which shapes the shared, social materiality of their craftwork, the spiritual beliefs which give meaningful shape to the challenges of craft livelihoods and the imaginaries and lived experiences which compose young weavers' sense of migration and mobility. Entangled in the precarious logics of late capitalism, these hopes simultaneously offer young craftsmen a sense of existential mobility, whilst curtailing and circumscribing possibilities for sustained and systemic change. In this, the 'not-yet' hopefulness of immobility is examined as a complex affective and political field, shot through with tense anticipation, longing and disappointment.

International audience ; La version française originale de ce texte, daté d'avril 2008, a été publiée dans Dominique DARBON (ed.), Le comparatisme à la croisée des chemins. Autour de l'oeuvre de Jean-François Médard, Paris, Karthala, 2010, 252 p. : 113-140. Certaines erreurs contenues dans cette version originale (ajoutées à mon insu par un « correcteur ») ont été à présent corrigées – ce qui justifie la republication – mais le texte reste celui de 2008 (et n'a donc pas pu intégrer des évolutions très récentes, notamment en Angola).Revista África(s), Alagoinhas (Bahia), Núcleo de Estudos Africanos e do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Africanos e Representações da África, Universidade do Estado da Bahia (UNEB), ISSN 2318.1990, I (1) janvier/juin 2014 [parution juin 2015] : 43-81,Le néopatrimonialisme exprime la tendance au clientélisme dans la société quand elle pénètre l'appareil d'État ; les pratiques néopatrimoniales sont, à la périphérie du capitalisme, indispensables à la « rémunération » des élites étatiques dont les salaires « républicains » et « officiels » sont bien insuffisants pour acheter leur fidélité aux fonctions de l'État capitaliste périphérique ; néanmoins ces États sont fondés sur (et se réclament) des valeurs universalistes non patrimoniales, « wébériennes » et la surrémunération des élites ne peut se faire que par des pratiques permanentes, mais informelles, instables, voire scandaleuses ; cela engendre-t-il cependant une nature de l'État qui serait distincte des autres, comme il y eut ou a des États féodaux, bourgeois, ouvriers, etc. ? La thèse ici défendue est que le neopatrimonialisme ne provoque pas de changement dans la nature de l'État, et à l'inverse est une pratique de trahison de l'État – idéal du Bien public – par ses propres dirigeants. L'étude aborde ensuite les Pays africains de langue officielle portugaise (PALOP) dans lesquels l'épisode marxiste-léniniste a été une phase particulièrement légale-rationnelle, pratiquant un paternalisme autoritaire mais, plus ou moins selon ...

International audience From a political ecology perspective, Chilean geographers have studied the various aspects of socio-environmental conflicts over water during the neoliberal period starting in 1973. This study aims to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between the different meanings and materialities of water in the Tarapacá region of northern Chile prior to the introduction of neoliberal reforms using a geohistorical perspective. By reviewing historical archives and undertaking terrain analyses, we examine the respective roles of the state, capitalism, and science/technology in the commodification/modernization of water in Tarapacá from the 19th to the early 20th centuries. We propose that the 19th-century insertion of Tarapacá's nitrate mining into the world capitalist circuit of minerals attracted explorers and scientists, who proffered modern discourses on nature and water while denying any local knowledge about water. These discourses then became prominent in the political sphere and were hegemonized through laws and norms. In parallel, the modernization of the nitrate mining resulted in the introduction of cutting-edge technologies for water infrastructure, a process that introduced changes in everyday practices regarding water, leading to the creation of the modern waterscapes in Tarapacá.

Summary. This article sets out the results of the analysis of the communism concept and the associated semantic network. capitalism and socialism during the period 1950-1959, which results from a wider investigation entitled Political Concepts in Costa Rica from 1950 to 1959: transformations and permanences, developed at the Centre for Historical Research of Central America (CIHAC) of the University of Costa Rica. The selection of the period is due to the fact that it was the decade immediately after the Civil War of 1948, in which the conditions of the contemporary political community were established. It sets out the content associated with these concepts and their political use by political and social actors in political advertising in two national circulation newspapers, La Nación and La República. It is concluded that, for the period, the concept of capitalism is used ambiguously, although its function as a frontier against the concepts of socialism and communism is clear. The latter are depicted as something casualty, feared; they are not only threatening democracy, but also Costa Rican. In that sense, communism functions as an external constitutive of national identity. ; Resumen En este artículo se exponen los resultados del análisis del concepto comunismo y la red semántica asociada – capitalismo y socialismo – durante el periodo de 1950-1959, el cual se desprende de una investigación de mayor alcance titulada Conceptos políticos en Costa Rica durante el periodo de 1950 a 1959: transformaciones y permanencias, desarrollada en el Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de América Central (CIHAC) de la Universidad de Costa Rica. La selección del periodo responde a que fue la década inmediatamente posterior a la Guerra Civil de 1948, en la cual se establecieron las condiciones de la comunidad política contemporánea. Se expone cuáles son los contenidos asociados a estos conceptos y su uso político por parte de actores políticos y sociales en publicidad política en dos periódicos de circulación nacional, La ...

Marxists authors are usually attributing the ecological destruction to capitalism and they see ecological movements at best as « petty bourgeois », more often « reactionary ». But ecological issues are slowly coming on marxism's agenda. John Bellamy Foster is one leading author here. Through a careful reading of his writings we demonstrate that this eco-marxist synthesis isn't convincing as it doesn't define an ecologist praxis. The failure comes from diverging relationship to « technological progress ». ; Les auteurs marxistes attribuent généralement les dégâts écologistes au capitalisme et considèrent que les mouvements écologistes sont au mieux « petits bourgeois », plus souvent « réactionnaires ». Les enjeux écologiques commencent toutefois à être l'objet de la pensée marxiste. John Bellamy Foster est l'un des auteurs qui œuvre à cette élaboration. Nous montrons ici que la démonstration n'est pas convaincante, elle ne théorise pas de praxis écologiste. L'échec peut être attribué à la divergence des rapports au « progrès technique ».