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The nature and meaning of replication is crucial not only for those undertaking studies of efforts at replication, but also for those conducting, using and evaluating demonstration projects, since their rationale lies in lessons learned for use elsewhere. The issue of replication is discussed using as a case study the highly influential British Burglary Prevention Project in Kirkholt, Rochdale and efforts to emulate it. Three ways of construing replication are presented: 'strict', 'relativist' and 'scientific realist'. Serious weaknesses are identified in the first two, and the third is advocated. Major lessons for practitioners and evaluators are drawn, in order that most benefit can be obtained for practice and policy from demonstration projects and their successors.

Protestdemonstrationen und Streiks haben als Ausdrucksformen politischer Opposition und als Artikulation sozialer Interessen seit Ende der achtziger Jahre Tradition in Weißrußland. Anlässe für die Massendemonstrationen vom März, April und Mai dieses Jahres waren die Ankündigung eines Vertragsabschlusses zwischen Rußland und Weißrußland über die Integration Weißrußlands in die Russische Föderation, der zehnte Jahrestag der Kernkraftwerkkatastrophe von Tschernobyl sowie die Politik von Präsident Lukashenka im allgemeinen. Die harte Reaktion der Staatsgewalt auf diese Proteste sorgte für negative Reaktionen bei den Nachbarstaaten ebenso wie auf internationaler Ebene. Die Serie der Massendemonstrationen der vergangenen Monate zieht die Popularität Lukashenkas, dessen Politik 1995 in einem Referendum eindrucksvoll bestätigt worden war, zunehmend in Zweifel. (BIOst-Wpt)

Military demonstrations could conveniently be classified according to objective under two major headings: (a) those intended primarily to convey purpose or intention, and (b) those intended primarily to convey capability. The latter type is generally free of the political risks which often attend the former. Both types, but especially the former, may be effected without necessarily disclosing new advances in the use, design, or performance of weapons. In the latter type, however, there may be a strong temptation—or a strong justification even in the absence of temptation—to parade a new or improved weapon or weapons system which reflects both technological achievement and enhanced capability.

Guest post by Nathan P. Kalmoe and Lilliana Mason Armed political demonstrations are now common in the United…

Government-backed high-density infill residential developments are used as a planning policy tool for engaging the building industry and promoting sustainable urban development. There is limited research into the influence such buildings have on the building industry and urban development outcomes. This paper presents analysis from interviews with 14 leading building-industry stakeholders about a demonstration mixed-use building developed by the Victorian state government in Melbourne, Australia. The development included innovative elements addressing environmental sustainability, governance, mixed tenure, mixed use and modular construction. The analysis found that stakeholders were acutely aware of the development, with some innovative elements – such as the modular construction – being monitored by stakeholders informally; other elements – such as environmental sustainability – were of nominal interest. Translation of informal learnings to stakeholder's own companies was lagging. While it is evident that the development has played a role in influencing the building industry to some extent, more effort is required to communicate practical outcomes and learnings in a formal way if sustainable urban development is to be facilitated through the demonstration development planning approach.

"Die in der Berichterstattung zu Stuttgart 21 geprägte Bezeichnung 'Wutbürger' wurde von der Gesellschaft für deutsche Sprache zum Wort des Jahres 2010 gekürt. Diese Wahrnehmung eines 'Aufstands des Bürgertums' als neuartiges Phänomen ist voreilig, gab es doch bürgerliche Proteste in Deutschland seit den 1950er Jahren, die später bei der Entstehung der Grünen Partei eine wesentliche Rolle spielten. Und wie die hier diskutierten ersten empirischen Untersuchungen zeigen, sind die in Stuttgart Protestierenden in der Tat gebildet und besser informiert, jedoch überwiegend protesterfahrene ältere Menschen, die mit großer Mehrheit die einstige 'Anti-Parteien-Partei' - die Grünen - präferieren. Der Beitrag endet mit einer kritischen Erörterung verschiedener Positionen zum Volksentscheid in der repräsentativen Demokratie - im Stuttgarter Konflikt und darüber hinaus." (Autorenreferat)

Dieser Beitrag versucht, einige wesentliche Symbolkomponenten von Demonstrationen sowie den um sie geführten Deutungskampf exemplarisch zu analysieren. Als Beispiele dienen die preußischen Wahlrechtsdemonstrationen der Jahre 1908 bis 1910, die von der Sozialdemokratie gegen das Dreiklassenwahlrecht und für ein gleiches und allgemeines Wahlrecht organisiert wurden. Diese Demonstrationen markieren eine wichtige Etappe bei der Durchsetzung der friedlichen Straßendemonstration in Deutschland. Auffallend sind die sorgfältigen Vorkehrungen der Veranstalter für einen friedlichen Verlauf der Aktionen. Über die Bedeutung der hohen Selbstdisziplin gab es unterschiedliche Auffassungen. Gegner fanden diese lediglich als von der Polizei erzwungen. Die Befürworter sahen jedoch darin den Beweis dafür, daß das Proletariat reif ist, das Wahlrecht zu erobern. Dieser friedliche Charakter der Demonstrationen bleibt auch dann bestehen, wenn Massenaufgebot, Vorwärtsbewegung, "Eroberung" der Innenstädte und "Belagerung" der Machtzentren zusammenkommen. Das Bedrohliche wird u.a. ausgeglichen durch die sonntägliche Kleidung und die Bezeichnung der Demonstrationen als "Spaziergang". Abschließend wird resümiert, daß die Jahre danach die Hoffnungen der Massen enttäuschten, was als Beweis für die Differenz zwischen dem symbolischen Machtbeweis der Demonstrationen und tatsächlicher politischer und sozialer Machtentfaltung gesehen wird. (psz)

The current UK government's policies include headlong spending cuts and a far-reaching restructuring of public provision. State welfare arguably contributes to political legitimacy and social stability, as well as to better social conditions and economic prosperity. The fact that current policies bear disproportionately on lower income groups may damage legitimacy.This article analyses a dataset covering twenty-six countries for more than two decades to show that spending cuts, privatisation and increases in poverty undermine legitimacy. It uses a direct measure of legitimacy in terms of the frequency of riots and political demonstrations and strikes, rather than the usual indirect measures in terms of attitudes and trust in government. Findings in relation to the increased work-centredness of the benefit and labour market reforms are more equivocal: a stricter benefit regime may not undermine legitimacy.

In the Spr of 1968, educ at Columbia U was disrupted by a massive student sit-in & strike. An attempt is made to present the data on how faculty support for the demonstration was influenced by several aspects of professional status, such as academic success, professional eminence, & location within a particular division within the U. It is concluded that the att's of Columbia U faculty members were influenced more by what happened to them before entering their professions than by what happened to them afterwards. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

1 p. A typewritten statement by President Robert D. Clark regarding an anti-war protest held the evening of May 6, 1971, which turned violent and resulted in police intervention and arrests. Clark makes the distinction between peaceful demonstrations and violent rallys and calls for an end to violent activism.

A letter report issued by the General Accounting Office with an abstract that begins "The Balanced Budget Act of 1997 authorized the Department of Defense (DOD) to conduct the Medicare subvention demonstration for a three-year period. Under this demonstration, DOD formed Medicare managed care organizations--collectively called TRICARE Senior Prime--at six sites that provided the full range of Medicare-covered services as well as additional DOD-covered services, notably prescription drugs. The Medicare program was to pay DOD for Medicare-covered care of the enrolled military retirees if DOD continued to spend on all aged military retirees at least as much as it had historically. Under the subvention demonstration, Senior Prime enrollees' care in 1999 cost DOD far more than the Medicare capitation rate that was established for the demonstration. This mainly resulted from enrollees' heavy use of medical services, but DOD coverage of prescription drugs--not included in the Medicare benefit package--also contributed to its high costs. Without the demonstration, Medicare spending in 1999 for retirees who enrolled in Senior Prime would have been, on average, about 55 percent of the Senior capitation rate. The Balanced Budget Act's payment rules resulted in no Medicare payment to DOD in 1999. This was because they were designed to prevent the government from paying twice for the same care--once through DOD appropriations and again through Medicare. The rules also required that the payment be adjusted to account for Senior Prime enrollees' health status."