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Bei internationalen Wirtschaftsvergleichen wird der wirtschaftliche Erfolg einzelner Länder oft eindimensional auf spezifische Institutionen zurückgeführt, während die Wirkung anderer Faktoren vernachlässigt wird. Entsprechend kritisch wird die gängige These überprüft, dass Unterschiede in der Arbeitsmarktentwicklung zwischen den USA und Deutschland auf Unterschiede in der Arbeitsmarktflexibilität und insbesondere in der Lohnstreuung zurückzuführen sind. Die Lohnverteilung und Beschäftigung in den USA, in Deutschland, Schweden, Großbritannien und den Niederlanden sowie deren Wirkungen werden miteinander verglichen. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit gilt der breiter gestreuten Lohnverteilung in den USA und Großbritannien gegenüber Kontinentaleuropa und vor allem Skandinavien. Daneben zeigt die Bildungsstudie International Adult Literacy Survey der OECD von 1997 sehr unterschiedliche Qualifikationsverteilungen in den untersuchten Ländern. Die Annahme, dass die weite Lohnstreuung in den USA einen Integrationseffekt hat, in dem sie die Produktivitäts- und Qualifikationsunterschiede kompensiert, kann empirisch nicht belegt werden. Umgekehrt zeigt sich, dass in den USA anders als in Europa geringer qualifizierte Arbeitnehmer aus dem Arbeitsmarkt ausgegrenzt werden. (IAB)

Der Beitrag nimmt eine kritische Bestandsaufnahme gegenwärtiger Modelle des Kosmopolitismus vor, die sich ausschließlich auf globale Ordnungsbildung konzentrieren. Im Gegenzug erinnert er an Merkmale der philosophischen Diskussion der Aufklärung, die unter Kosmopolitismus die politische Öffnung von Nationalstaaten für die Ansprüche von Fremden verstand. "Kosmopolitismus in einem Land" meint die Mitwirkung von Nichtmitgliedern an der politischen Willensbildung und Entscheidungsfindung: ein politischer Aktivismus, der formell oder informell einen weiteren, potenziell universellen "demos" inkludiert. Den Wurzeln dieses Gedankens geht der Verfasser in Benthams kosmopolitischer Vertragstheorie und in Kants Weltbürgerrecht nach. Die Mitwirkung Fremder kann nationalstaatlichen Demokratien epistemische Vorteile bringen, aber auch zu einer gerechteren Repräsentation der Interessen von Nicht-Staatsangehörigen führen. Im Unterschied zu supranationalen Gemeinwesen mit kosmopolitischen Zügen wie der EU betont der "Kosmopolitismus in einem Land" die Durchlässigkeit von Außengrenzen, nicht die Irrelevanz von Innengrenzen. Die resultierende Vielzahl überlappender Weltbürgergemeinschaften bilden jeweils transnationale Öffentlichkeiten aus, deren institutionelle harte Kerne die jeweiligen Einzelstaaten sind. (ICE2)

Since 1967, each Israeli government has invested significant resources in establishing and expanding the settlements in the Occupied Territories, both in terms of the area of land they occupy and in terms of population. As a result of this policy, approximately 380,000 Israeli citizens now live on the settlements on the West Bank, including those established in East Jerusalem (this report does not relate to the settlements in the Gaza Strip). During the first decade following the occupation, the Ma'arach governments operated on the basis of the Alon Plan, which advocated the establishment of settlements in areas perceived as having "security importance," and where the Palestinian population was sparse (the Jordan Valley, parts of the Hebron Mountains and Greater Jerusalem). After the Likud came to power in 1977, the government began to establish settlements throughout the West Bank, particularly in areas close to the main Palestinian population centers along the central mountain ridge and in western Samaria. This policy was based on both security and ideological considerations. The political process between Israel and the Palestinians did not impede settlement activities, which continued under the Labor government of Yitzhak Rabin (1992-1996) and all subsequent governments. These governments built thousands of new housing units, claiming that this was necessary to meet the "natural growth" of the existing population. As a result, between 1993 and 2000 the number of settlers on the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) increased by almost 100 percent.

Land donations are frequently attested in the written record of ancient Egypt. Used by the king asa means to recompense and honor high dignitaries, civil servants, and temples, they were in no waya royal prerogative. Private individuals also donated land both to temples and royal statues, whichappears to have been a social and economic strategy to strengthen their links with the monarchyand with powerful patrons. In other cases, enough evidence reveals that such donations sought topreserve individual patrimonies from the interference of their owners' kin. Temples figure at thecore of land donations, especially as beneficiaries of the king's largesse and of private endowments;their position as local centers of power and authority and their role as heads of patronage networksexplain why they received so many donations of land during the Third Intermediate Period andunder the Saite rule, when political insecurity and state rebuilding made them privileged tools forthe protection of the patrimonies of the elite.

Land donations are frequently attested in the written record of ancient Egypt. Used by the king asa means to recompense and honor high dignitaries, civil servants, and temples, they were in no waya royal prerogative. Private individuals also donated land both to temples and royal statues, whichappears to have been a social and economic strategy to strengthen their links with the monarchyand with powerful patrons. In other cases, enough evidence reveals that such donations sought topreserve individual patrimonies from the interference of their owners' kin. Temples figure at thecore of land donations, especially as beneficiaries of the king's largesse and of private endowments;their position as local centers of power and authority and their role as heads of patronage networksexplain why they received so many donations of land during the Third Intermediate Period andunder the Saite rule, when political insecurity and state rebuilding made them privileged tools forthe protection of the patrimonies of the elite.

Land donations are frequently attested in the written record of ancient Egypt. Used by the king asa means to recompense and honor high dignitaries, civil servants, and temples, they were in no waya royal prerogative. Private individuals also donated land both to temples and royal statues, whichappears to have been a social and economic strategy to strengthen their links with the monarchyand with powerful patrons. In other cases, enough evidence reveals that such donations sought topreserve individual patrimonies from the interference of their owners' kin. Temples figure at thecore of land donations, especially as beneficiaries of the king's largesse and of private endowments;their position as local centers of power and authority and their role as heads of patronage networksexplain why they received so many donations of land during the Third Intermediate Period andunder the Saite rule, when political insecurity and state rebuilding made them privileged tools forthe protection of the patrimonies of the elite.

Die Autorin beleuchtet die Hintergründe und politischen Auswirkungen der Aufrufaktion "Für unser Land" im letzten Jahr der DDR. In den vorhandenen Chroniken und Dokumentensammlungen wird der Aufruf zwar manchmal in vollständigem Wortlaut wiedergegeben, aber es finden sich kaum Hinweise auf sein Zustandekommen oder eine nähere Würdigung als Zeitzeugnis artikulierter DDR-Identität. Die Autorin untersucht daher die politische Bedeutung des Appells, der von 31 Erstunterzeichnern am 26. November 1989 in die Endfassung gebracht worden ist, und ordnet ihn in die revolutionären Ereignisse der Wendezeit ein. (ICI)

In Slovakia, the large-scale acquisition of agricultural land in combination with land concentration represents a legitimate threat that can lead to land grabbing. Based on the research, two interrelated areas of protection need to be effectively regulated to limit land grabbing: the protection of access to land and the protection of agricultural land. Due to the absence of relevant data analysis regarding this issue, the main aim of the study was to analyse the emergence of land concentration in Slovakia based on historical and cultural factors and to evaluate the current legislative and institutional framework of both aspects of land protection with a possible impact on the successively graduating threat of land grabbing. In particular, analytical methods were used, presenting the data from secondary literature sources, a questionnaire survey, and representatives of the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development in Slovakia. The research shows that although the state has adopted the necessary legal framework for the protection of property rights to agricultural land, it is not possible to enforce it, as the institutional framework for its implementation is absent. It is also the state's malfunctioning land protection regulatory mechanism and the absence of indirect action instruments that may be key indicators leading to the processes of industrial agriculture. Therefore, the adoption of legislation limiting agricultural land acquisition is important, but the processes of land grabbing presume the state's complex provision of a regulatory mechanism and adoption of strategic measures aimed at sustainable land quality and food security.

As European influence extended across the oceans, all regions of recent settlement faced the challenge of devising means for distributing, by sale, lease, or grant, lands originally held or used by aboriginal populations, and at the same time defining the political relationship between the frontier and the existing states. One of the most sweeping instances of legislation addressing this issue took place in the early years of the United States where, in exchange for the cession of claims on western lands by the original thirteen states, the federal government under the Articles of Confederation agreed to convert the public domain into private holdings as quickly as possible.

Global climate change policy enforcement has become the new driving force of resource grabbing in the context of the &ldquo ; scramble of resources&rdquo ; in Africa. Nevertheless, the environmental crisis should not be seen as an isolated phenomenon amid contemporary capitalism. On the contrary, a very distinct feature of the current wave of land grabs is the convergence of multiple crises, including food, energy/fuel, environmental, and financial. The Southern Mozambique District, Massingir, is an area with high potential regarding water sources and biodiversity. It recently became a host of a biofuel project, and also a huge block of land is being transformed into a conservation/tourism area ; answering to many issues within capitalism&rsquo ; s crisis, this area is an evidence of how synergetic resource grabbing can arise as a response to the convergence of multiple crises. Therefore, by analyzing the emerging politics of natural resources in Massingir District and the dynamics regarding the land-use change, changes in property relations, it is possible to understand how rural livelihoods are shaped. Risks related to food security and sovereignty, loss of control and access to resources, consistent narrowing down of the set of livelihood strategies, and inter-community conflicts over scarce resources are the main implications of such emerging climate-smart land politics.

Land is an essential part of human life. On the land there are various rights that arise, including ownership rights, building use rights, cultivation rights and usage rights. Besides land that already has land rights on it, there is also land without rights on it which is called State land. This paper will examine the legal problems that arise over State land which is claimed by regional governments as regional assets. The method used in this writing is through a doctrinal / law approach where the law is conceptualized as statutory regulations. The results of the analysis show that the regional government cannot automatically say that State land is land controlled by the regional government through management rights, but the regional government must apply to the national land agency to have rights over State land.

Land value tax is an important source of revenue for government internationally and particularly in industrialised OECD countries in which this tax operates on a number of different bases of value. Over the past 30 years a number of trends in tax policy have impacted revenue from this tax and how the tax is assessed. This paper examines land value taxation and speci cally the valuation of land processes used to determine the base of this tax in Australia. The paper examines the challenges of valuing land in highly urbanised locations where land rarely transacts in isolation of improvements. It further examines the practices and processes used in the valuation of land speci cally for taxation purposes. Simulations have been developed to examine how land value is determined from improved property transactions and to identify the issues which confront and impact the valuation process and the integrity of this tax. The paper makes its contribution by examining how valuers determine the value of land in highly urbanised locations in the absence of vacant land sales. This contributes to de ning how this process may be improved through increased transparency in the valuation process. This is done while maintaining the ef ciency of land as a neutral base for the assessment of land tax as opposed to moving to alternate bases of value. The paper examines the challenges in valuing land in highly urbanised locations where land rarely transacts in isolation of improvements. Simulations are used to examine how land value is determined from improved property transactions and identifies the issues which confront and impact the valuation process and integrity of this tax. Among the factors which determine market value, the paper makes an important contribution by identifying that the highest and best use of land is an important factor in establishing a neutral and efficient base on which to assess a tax on land in highly urbanised locations.

In this series, entitled home/land, documentary photographs by Christopher Cowperthwaite provide the foundation for works that are meditations on the disruptions – cultural, political, and ecological – that result from conflict and crisis. The paintings present fragmentary images of the construction of the Israel-Palestine separation wall (and its concomitant fragmentation of the land), which are fused with collaged images from other conflicts and other times, asking the viewer to consider how an ever-deepening palimpsest of conflicts has become etched in our collective memory and on the surface of the earth since the World Wars. I created this series as an attempt engage my artistic practice with the complex history and contemporary reality of globalized conflict, which, via globalized media, has become imbricated with the flow of our daily lives and thoughts. As a Canadian artist and educator, I have no direct contact with the daily crises occurring in conflict zones, yet I am impelled to respond creatively, to translate my affective response to these global catastrophes into a visual elegy and a plea for awareness of the human and ecological impacts of warfare.